Masters of division continue their assault on higher education in NC
The North Carolina Legislative Building (Photo: Clayton Henkel)
In their latest act of breathtaking hypocrisy, right-wing Republicans in North Carolina's General Assembly have introduced Senate Bill 558, informally titled 'Eliminating 'DEI' in Public Higher Ed.' If the bill becomes law, public universities will be forbidden from compelling 'students, professors, administrators, or other employees to affirm or profess belief in divisive concepts.' Such a law could greatly damage higher education in North Carolina.
Which concepts are so threatening that they need to be banned? Some exist only in fevered imagination. For example, 'An individual's moral character is necessarily determined by his or her race or sex.' Or, for another, 'Particular character traits, values, moral or ethical codes, privileges, or beliefs should be ascribed to a race or sex or to an individual because of the individual's race or sex.'
Not to be pedantic, but these aren't concepts; they are propositions. In any case, no one actually teaches such things. It's as urgent to legislate against these notions as it is to legislate against teaching that the earth is flat, the moon is made of green cheese, and forest fires are caused by Jewish space lasers. Perhaps legislators are confusing ideas that are taken seriously in universities with ideas that have traction on Truth Social.
But to return to hypocrisy: a political party whose members and Dear Leader have pursued electoral success by fomenting social division are now attacking those who advocate for inclusion—or even analyze and teach about it—for supposedly peddling divisive concepts. Even allowing for the usual gap between political rhetoric and reality, this is enough to make one's head spin.
But to return to hypocrisy: a political party whose members and Dear Leader have pursued electoral success by fomenting social division are now attacking those who advocate for inclusion—or even analyze and teach about it—for supposedly peddling divisive concepts.
Consider a few of the notions that have become standard items in the propaganda toolkit of right-wing Republicans in the last decade, starting with one of Donald Trump's favorites: undocumented immigrants are rapists, thieves, gangsters, and leeches on the body of America; they are, in Trump's words, 'poisoning the blood' of our country. Perhaps that's supposed to be a unifying idea. It did, after all, work with some audiences in 1930s Germany.
Demonizing immigrants is just a warm-up. Right-wing Republicans have targeted a host of other groups as enemies. Trump has called the press 'the enemy of the people.' His vice-president, J. D. Vance, has called universities and professors 'the enemy.' Trump has called protesters 'the enemy within,' threatening to use military force against them. During the height of the Covid pandemic, Trump accused medical researchers who found that hydroxychloroquine was ineffective against Covid of issuing a 'Trump enemy statement.'
If North Carolina Republicans haven't said precisely the same things, neither have they stood up to denounce the divisive statements of their party leader. They're not likely to, of course, because they employ similar strategies of vilifying LGBTQ people, 'woke elites,' doomsaying scientists, public employees, and anyone who has ever relied on our society's flimsy social safety net. If not for dividing and conquering, they'd have no strategy at all.
It's not hard to understand why right-wing Republicans see journalists, scientists, and professors as enemies. These groups are professionally and ethically committed to what is anathema to Trump and his acolytes everywhere: uncovering and telling the truth. When the truth does not accord with the self-serving myths of authoritarians, they try to stifle those who tell it. Taking over the institutions—the press, universities, government research agencies—that support truth-telling is part of the process. It's an old playbook.
With SB 558, Republican legislators are trying not only to dominate public universities from the outside—as they already do by appointing their backers to the UNC System Board of Governors and controlling the state's purse strings—but to reach into the classroom and quash academic freedom.
For example, one of SB 558's forbidden propositions is this: 'The rule of law does not exist but instead is a series of power relationships and struggles among racial or other groups.' Put in such simplistic terms, this is not a proposition any college-level instructor is likely to take seriously. But suppose it were rephrased, like so: 'The law is made, interpreted, and enforced in ways that reflect inequalities in wealth and power among groups in society, and is often used to reinforce those inequalities.' That's a proposition for which evidence abounds, and one that deserves serious consideration in a class that deals with such matters.
The problem, however, with SB 588 is that discussion of serious propositions—the rephrased version above—will be chilled and quite possibly never happen. Instructors might rightly fear that some students, disturbed by a challenging idea and emboldened by a foolish law, will bring complaints. Instructors might also fear administrators who are eager to over-comply and issue directives to avoid potentially troubling topics and course content. This isn't paranoid speculation; it's already happening in some places.
Another off-limits proposition is that 'a meritocracy is inherently racist or sexist.' Again, without nuance or qualification, this is not a proposition professors are likely to use to spark classroom discussion (presuming a course where such a proposition is germane). Yet there is an important idea here, one that would get lost under the corrosive force of SB 588.
The idea, rephrased as a question, is this: Can what look like meritocratic criteria to members of dominant groups mask biases that advantage members of those groups? Plenty of evidence can be brought to bear on this question, and no place that calls itself a university should be inhibited, to any degree, from tackling the question and examining the relevant evidence. But that's exactly what SB 558 will do. And it's not just an abstract notion of academic freedom that will suffer; the damage will be to students and the quality of their education.
Defenders of SB 558 might point to its third 'whereas,' which claims that the General Assembly is 'committed to ensuring that all North Carolina students enrolled in public institutions of higher education receive a meaningful education based on academic excellence, critical thinking, and the free exchange of ideas.' That would be nice if it were true. But it's impossible to have it both ways. To say, You can think critically and freely exchange ideas—but here's a list of ideas you can't freely exchange or use to think critically, is classic Orwellian doublespeak.
If North Carolina's Republican state legislators really wanted to take a stand against divisive ideas, there are, in addition to those I noted earlier, plenty to choose from. They could reject the idea, now embraced by the Trump administration, that the First Amendment doesn't apply to non-citizens legally present in the United States. They could reject the ideas that all Jews are Zionists and that criticism of Israel is antisemitic. They could reject the idea that we can't have, say, national health insurance because it would mean tax dollars going to undeserving others. These fallacious ideas are enormously divisive, far more so than any at which Republican legislators have taken aim.
I don't expect right-wing Republicans to look in the mirror and reform themselves any time soon. In a nation as fraught with inequalities as the United States, the divide-and-conquer strategy has proven too useful to abandon. But the rest of us don't have to keep falling for it. Everyone who hopes to see our public universities survive as institutions of truth-seeking based on evidence and rigorous analysis should resist. There is an urgent need to change the hands on the levers of power before more damage is done.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
31 minutes ago
- Yahoo
FIRST ON FOX: High ranking DOJ official resigns post to run for attorney general in red state
FIRST ON FOX: Aaron Reitz, a top official in President Donald Trump's Department of Justice, has resigned his post in the administration to run for attorney general of Texas, entering what he is calling a "fight for the soul of Texas." Reitz, a former Marine and chief of staff to Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, served in the Trump administration under U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi as the assistant attorney general for the Office of Legal Policy. Following speculation of a possible run for Texas attorney general, one of the most powerful positions in the state, Reitz resigned his position with the DOJ on Wednesday and officially launched his campaign the day after. "If we lose Texas, we lose the Republic," Reitz said in a statement sent to Fox News Digital. 205 Arrested In Fbi Child Sex Operation, Patel And Bondi Announce "This is no time for half-measures or untested cowards," he said, adding, "We are in a fight for the soul of Texas, our nation, and Western civilization itself." Read On The Fox News App "As Attorney General, I'll use every ounce of legal firepower to defend President Trump, crush the radical Left, advance the America and Texas First agenda, and look out for everyday Texans," he said. This comes as current Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton is running in hopes of replacing incumbent Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, in one of the most hotly contested primary races of the year. Reitz pledged to partner with the Trump administration to "clean up the border catastrophe with mass deportations and enhanced border security, take down the Soros-backed district attorneys, obliterate woke indoctrination, expose and root out election fraud, and defend our Constitutional rights without apology." John Cornyn Scores Tim Scott Endorsement, But John Rich Calls Cornyn 'The Lindsey Graham Of Texas' Reitz touted his conservative bona fides, saying, "I've spent my entire career in the trenches with the toughest conservatives in America." He is likely to garner endorsements from some of the country's leading Republicans, with DOJ officials, including Bondi, giving him a string of fond farewells after he announced his departure. In an X post Bondi said: "I'm proud to have worked with @aaron_reitz at @TheJusticeDept. Aaron played a central role in our work to Make America Safe Again — his next chapter will surely contribute to @POTUS's mission, and I look forward to seeing what Aaron does next in his home state of Texas!" FBI Director Kash Patel also chimed in, saying "Aaron is a personal friend, great American, and a relentless advocate for law and order. Thanks for serving our country, now it's time to deliver on his next mission. Good luck." Bondi Announces One Of Largest Fentanyl Seizures In Us History Before serving in the Trump administration and on Cruz's staff, Reitz previously held the position of Texas Deputy Attorney General for Legal Strategy under Paxton. In December, Paxton spoke very highly of Reitz, saying, "he's a proven and effective fighter for our Constitution and American Values" who was "our 'offensive coordinator' leading my very aggressive Texas-v-Biden docket." Paxton said that while working in his office Reitz "spearheaded some of our agency's most consequential actions on border security, immigration, Big Tech, Covid, energy, the environment, and election integrity." Texas Republican state Senator Mayes Middleton, another pro-Trump conservative, is also running for attorney article source: FIRST ON FOX: High ranking DOJ official resigns post to run for attorney general in red state


E&E News
31 minutes ago
- E&E News
New megabill text revives land sales, axes IRA funding
The Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee's portion of Republicans' party-line bill proposes to sell off certain public lands and repeal billions of dollars for energy programs in Democrats' 2022 climate law. The committee's proposal, unveiled Wednesday evening, contains many of the provisions in the House-passed H.R. 1, the 'One Big, Beautiful Bill Act' — including ones that would target the Department of Energy's Loan Programs Office or charge a one-time fee to speed up permitting for some natural gas projects. But there are some significant differences. Most notable is a new section favored by Chair Mike Lee (R-Utah) to revive the sale of public lands, reigniting a firestorm of opposition from advocates. The provision goes further than an abandoned proposal in the House, encompassing Bureau of Land Management and Forest Service lands across 11 Western states. Advertisement ENR's text comes as the Senate is racing to tweak and quickly vote on tax, energy and national security legislation after the House approved its version last month. Republicans are working through the reconciliation process, which will allow them to skirt the Senate filibuster and pass the budget-focused bill with simple majorities.

E&E News
31 minutes ago
- E&E News
Businesses to lawmakers: Don't mess with Energy Star
Business groups are urging Congress to resist Trump administration efforts to privatize Energy Star, the efficiency program for home appliances and building materials. 'Clear legislative authorization backs ENERGY STAR as a voluntary public-private partnership run by the federal government,' more than 30 trade groups said Wednesday in a letter to lawmakers. 'We respectfully request that ENERGY STAR not be supplanted by non-governmental efforts that could significantly alter and overly complicate the program.' Led by the Real Estate Roundtable, the letter was signed by the National Association of Manufacturers; American Chemistry Council; Association of Home Appliance Manufacturers; Air-Conditioning, Heating and Refrigeration Institute; and other groups. Advertisement The letter went to Senate Energy and Natural Resources Chair Mike Lee (R-Utah) and ranking member Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.), Senate Environment and Public Works Chair Shelley Moore Capito ( and ranking member Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), and House Energy and Commerce Chair Brett Guthrie (R-Ky) and ranking member Frank Pallone (D-N.J.)