logo
Sudan crisis: How a parallel RSF government could destroy the nation

Sudan crisis: How a parallel RSF government could destroy the nation

Middle East Eye09-03-2025

The crisis in Sudan remains profound, devastating and largely neglected by the international community. As the conflict persists and the suffering of the Sudanese people escalates, prospects for a resolution appear increasingly dim.
While this might superficially appear to be a confrontation between two warring factions, however, the underlying dynamics are far more complex–shaped by internal political cleavage and strategically instrumentalised by global actors to cast shadows over war governance in Sudan.
After the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) recently regained vast swathes of territory from the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) - including Um Rawaba in North Kordofan, and major parts of Sennar, Gezira and Khartoum - army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan announced the imminent formation of a new government.
In his announcement during an address to civil political forces in Port Sudan, Burhan said the anticipated government could be 'either a caretaker government or a wartime government', with an objective to support the SAF in 'freeing Sudan from rebels'.
His announcement was bolstered by the Sudanese foreign ministry releasing its roadmap for peace, which outlined several key steps, including the launch of an inclusive national dialogue, the formation of a transitional cabinet of independent technocrats, and constitutional amendments that secured broad support.
New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch
Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters
The roadmap also noted: 'Laying down arms and evacuating civilian objects are prerequisites for any talks with the rebels. No ceasefire will be accepted unless the siege on El Fasher is lifted, followed by the withdrawal of the RSF militia from Khartoum, West Kordofan, and the Darfur states.'
These developments come as the Sudanese Coordination of Civil Democratic Forces (Taqadom) recently dissolved into two separate coalitions with two different visions.
Opposition alliance
The majority of civilian factions formerly aligned with the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC), which was part of Taqadom, have declared the formation of a new political coalition dedicated to ending the war. Dubbed the Civil Democratic Alliance of Revolutionary Forces, this new entity is led by former Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, reflecting a strategic realignment among civilian political actors.
Conversely, the majority of armed groups, alongside certain bodies that aligned with the FFC after the 2021 coup, have consolidated their position within an opposing alliance, which aims to usher in a parallel government within territories currently under the RSF's control. Notably, the official name of this alliance was announced later at a conference in Nairobi as "Sudan Founding Alliance".
Composed of some FFC entities and several civil society groups, Taqadom was founded in October 2023 and had its inaugural conference the following spring in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. The coalition was dissolved earlier this month at a virtual meeting, amid a dispute over forming a parallel government. This was the result of well-coordinated engagement between the RSF and its allies in Taqadom that ceased to exist after its dissolution.
FFC, a pro revolution alliance, comprising democratic political parties and civil society groups, was established during Sudan's third revolution.
Sudan turmoil: There will be no winners in the generals' war Read More »
The Sudan Founding Alliance launched its inaugural session in Nairobi on 18 February, where leaders and allies of the RSF discussed a charter that would lay the groundwork for a parallel government.
Among the attendees were Abdelaziz al-Hilu, the leader of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North; Ibrahim al-Mirghani, a leader in the Democratic Unionist Party; and National Umma Party leader Fadlallah Burma Nassir, whose attendance came as a shock, as his party opposes the formation of a parallel government.
Rabah al-Sadiq, a prominent figure in the National Umma Party, described Nassir's participation as 'political suicide for him and an attempt to slaughter the party'. The party also issued a statement noting that it 'did not authorise' Nassir or any other member to represent it at the Nairobi conference.
Hilu addressed the session as a keynote speaker. 'The cards of religion, tribe and ethnicity are just obstacles used by the ruling elites in Khartoum to exclude those outside the circle, and we want to put an end to this matter starting today,' he said.
A few hours after the inaugural session, Sudan's foreign ministry condemned Kenya for hosting the conference, citing 'disregard for its obligations under international law, the Charter of the United Nations, the Constitutive Act of the African Union, and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide'. The ministry separately denounced a massacre committed by the RSF in el-Geteina in White Nile State, which killed 433 people, including newborn babies.
Risk of secession
The Kenyan government was unapologetic, explaining that hosting the conference came in the context of supporting peace by providing a non-partisan platform for affected parties, and pointing to Kenya's long history of conflict resolution within the continent.
Concerns that an RSF-backed government could struggle to gain international legitimacy may lead to the perception that this development is merely propaganda, and not a genuine threat to Sudan's political stability. But multiple scenarios remain plausible, and the events in Nairobi underscore the Sudanese political system's inability to independently resolve its crises.
Ushering in a parallel government during an active conflict would signal a serious risk of secession, potentially leading to Sudan's second partition, following the independence of South Sudan in 2011. But the circumstances today differ significantly.
A new history of fragmentation - another tale of a country with two governments - was thus set in motion
South Sudan achieved independence through a peaceful referendum in which its people exercised their right to self-determination, resulting in Sudan's loss of a historically and politically significant region. Any future secession within Sudan would likely come at an immense cost, driven by violent conflict and significant human suffering.
Establishing a new government in RSF-controlled areas would not only challenge the political authority of the country's Port Sudan-based government, but also potentially exacerbate ethnic tensions, escalating into widespread violence that could threaten the nation's stability and pave the way for a new war.
Despite these challenges, Sudan still has an opportunity to maintain national cohesion and preserve its unity. Achieving this will require strong political will, a heightened sense of national responsibility, and a commitment to prioritising the collective interests of the country and its citizens in seeking a sustainable resolution to the ongoing crisis.
Ultimately, the responsibility for ending this war rests primarily with the Sudanese people - particularly civilians - as long as the international community remains disengaged. Amid significant shifts in the global geopolitical order, the likelihood of substantive external intervention is dubious.
Despite various indications pointing to the failure of a parallel government, Sudan will never be the same after the Nairobi conference. A new history of fragmentation - another tale of a country with two governments - was thus set in motion.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Trump frustrated with rising oil prices and Fed's Powell
Trump frustrated with rising oil prices and Fed's Powell

The National

timean hour ago

  • The National

Trump frustrated with rising oil prices and Fed's Powell

US President Donald Trump said on Thursday that he was frustrated with rising oil prices over fears that tension in the Middle East could disrupt supplies. Brent crude and West Texas Intermediate, which tracks US crude, surged on Wednesday to their highest level since April, before slightly easing on Thursday. 'I don't like – the oil prices have gone up just a little bit over the last few days,' Mr Trump told reporters at the White House. Brent crude fell 45 cents, or 0.64 per cent, to $69.32 per barrel while WTI crude fell by 20 cents, or 0.29 per cent, to $67.91 per barrel. 'It's gonna keep going down a little bit, right? Because we have inflation under control,' Mr Trump said. An analysis conducted by Goldman Sachs last month indicated that he prefers crude prices to range between $40 and $50 per barrel, based on his social media posts. Prices rose on Wednesday after the US was preparing to evacuate non-essential staff from its embassy in Baghdad amid stalled progress in talks with Tehran to reach a nuclear deal. The two sides were expected to meet again in Oman on Sunday. Mr Trump, who this week said he was becoming less confident that a deal could be reached, warned that Israel could soon strike Iran. 'I don't want to say imminent but it looks like it's something that could very well happen,' he said. Mr Trump this year began his second term in office with a 'drill, baby, drill' approach to energy, pledging to increase the country's domestic oil production. However, US crude-oil production is expected to dip over the next 18 months as producers decrease drilling due to lower prices, according to a report from the Energy Information Administration on Tuesday. 'With fewer active drilling rigs, we forecast US operators will drill and complete fewer wells through 2026,' the EIA said. The agency said it expects US crude oil production to fall from a record high of 13.5 million barrels per day this year to about 13.3 million barrels per day by the fourth quarter of 2026. The EIA forecast Brent crude to average $61 per barrel by the end of this year and average $59 a barrel in 2026 due to rising global inventories. Trump lashes out at Powell Meanwhile, Mr Trump also expressed his frustrations with Federal Reserve chairman Jerome Powell as the US central bank is expected to keep interest rates steady when it meets next week. Mr Trump added that he 'may have to force something' if the Fed does not lower interest rates, although he did not elaborate. His comments came hours after government data showed that US producer prices rose less than anticipated last month, helping to calm fears of a tariff-fuelled inflation surge after separate inflation data came in softer than expected this week. Mr Powell and other Fed officials have indicated a cautious approach towards interest rates, due to uncertainty over the economic affects of tariffs, immigration and other Trump policies. Mr Trump also said he is 'not going to fire' Mr Powell, although the Fed chairman maintains the law does not give the president authority to sack him. A ruling from the Supreme Court in May give him special protection from being fired by the president based on the central bank's quasi-private structure.

‘Popular Forces': Who are the Gaza gangsters being armed by Israel?
‘Popular Forces': Who are the Gaza gangsters being armed by Israel?

Middle East Eye

time4 hours ago

  • Middle East Eye

‘Popular Forces': Who are the Gaza gangsters being armed by Israel?

In a small area of land in Rafah, a new group has emerged from the shadows of Israel's war on the Palestinian enclave. Led by drug smugglers, aid looters and militants linked to groups across the border in Egypt, Popular Forces, as they call themselves, have been exercising their power in southern Gaza, under gang leader and former prisoner Yasser Abu Shabab. Last month, the group created a new Facebook page, with slick videos and a new logo. The marketing drive coincided with Israel admitting to arming Abu Shabab's gang, in what appears to be an attempt to sow chaos and embolden anti-Hamas elements in Gaza. Middle East Eye takes a look at Abu Shabab, his associates, and why Israel has chosen to lend its support. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Who is Yasser Abu Shabab? Yasser Abu Shabab, born in eastern Rafah in the early 1990s, hails from the influential Tarabin Bedouin tribe, which stretches across the Sinai, Gaza and southern Israel. He dropped out of school at an early age, building a reputation for trafficking cigarettes, hashish and psychoactive drugs through tunnels and crossings into Gaza. Family members say he smuggled items from Egypt and Israel. In 2015, Hamas detained Abu Shabab on drug trafficking charges and eventually sentenced him to 25 years in prison. But in October 2023, during the early days of the war on Gaza, Abu Shabab escaped the Asda prison in western Khan Younis, amid Israeli bombardment. The circumstances around his escape remain murky. What have his gang been doing during the war? Following their escape, Abu Shabab and his allies assembled a few hundred men and called themselves the Popular Forces in Arabic. The group exerts control over an area of southern Gaza near the Kerem Shalom crossing, which connects Gaza, Israel and Egypt. Abu Shabab has said he leads 'a group of citizens from this community who have volunteered to protect humanitarian aid from looting and corruption'. On Facebook, the group describes itself as "a voice of truth against terrorism for a safe homeland for all". 'Their utility lies in their ability to destabilise Hamas from within' – Andreas Krieg, security expert A leaked UN memo described their base as a 'military-like compound' in a zone 'restricted, controlled and patrolled' by Israeli forces. According to Muhammad Shehada, a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, Abu Shabab's gang is engaged in several activities. These include, he writes, looting UN aid and selling some of it on the black market; carrying out reconnaissance missions on behalf of Israeli authorities; and acting as a proxy militia for Israel in areas that it has depopulated. It has also been accused of cooperating with the controversial Israel and US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF). An unnamed diplomatic official told CNN that the GHF, whether directly or indirectly, had contact with Abu Shabab. The scandal-ridden GHF has denied any involvement. 'We do have local Palestinian workers we are very proud of, but none is armed and they do not belong to Abu Shabab's organisation,' it said. In November, Abu Shabab admitted that his men had raided a few trucks. 'We are taking trucks so we can eat, not so we can sell,' he said. 'Every hungry person is taking aid.' Several truck drivers have accused Abu Shabab's forces of intercepting aid deliveries and forcing them to unload goods. There were reports in early May that Israeli forces attacked shop owners and police officers who were attempting to protect shops from looting and chaos caused by the gangsters. Asaad al-Kafarna, a police officer in Gaza, was killed by Israeli forces near a restaurant on 2 May after pursuing gangsters accused of looting and collaborating with Israel's military. How are the gang linked to Islamic State? Avigdor Lieberman, the Israeli opposition politician, recently said that Abu Shabab and his forces were connected to the Islamic State group, or Isis (IS). Andreas Krieg, an academic at King's College London and an expert on security, told MEE: "While some individuals from the tribe have been involved in smuggling and, in some cases, collaborated with Sinai-based Isis affiliates, the tribe itself is not ideologically aligned with jihadist groups. 'In fact, many Tarabin members in Sinai have fought against Isis alongside the Egyptian military.' Key figures in Abu Shabab's groups have longstanding links with militant groups. One of them, Issam al-Nabahin, joined the Sinai chapter of IS in the mid-2010s. A damaged building in northern Sinai, Egypt in January 2015, where at least 30 soldiers and police officers were killed by Islamic State-allied groups (Reuters) According to media reports, he was part of a group of Palestinians who fought in the insurgency against Egypt's army, and were involved in the killing of civilians. Hamas and Egypt cooperated to arrest and kill the militants, but Nabahin evaded capture. Nabahin re-emerged in 2023, when Hamas arrested him and sentenced him to death. But he escaped before his execution and has since resurfaced as part of Abu Shabab's forces. Another senior figure in the Popular Forces is Ghassan al-Dahini. He was formerly an official in the Army of Islam, a Palestinian group allied with IS in Sinai. He reportedly managed smuggling and communications between the Army of Islam and militant groups in Sinai. Dahini has been arrested at least twice by Hamas police in Gaza. During one arrest attempt, he killed a Palestinian policeman. He, like Nabahin and Abu Shabab, escaped imprisonment following the outbreak of Israel's war. He now serves as the deputy of the Popular Forces. Why is Israel arming these gangsters? Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, has admitted to arming Abu Shabab's gang. '"We made use of clans in Gaza that are opposed to Hamas… What's wrong with that?' he said in a post on X last week. "It's only good. It saves the lives of Israeli soldiers." The gangs have been armed with Kalashnikovs and pistols that were taken by Israeli forces from Hamas and Hezbollah, according to Maariv. Israel's Shin Bet security service, Maariv reported, suggested that even if Abu Shabab were to turn around and point the weapons towards Israel, the effect would be negligible. Krieg said that it was a 'calculated strategy' to reduce Israel's military and administrative burden in Gaza by 'cultivating local surrogate actors'. 'By leveraging tribal networks and local knowledge, groups like the Popular Forces enable Israel to exert indirect control while avoiding the reputational and operational costs of reoccupation,' he said. What has been the impact on Hamas? Krieg said that the presence of the Popular Front forces Hamas to fight on multiple fronts, undermining its monopoly on coercive power. 'Although the Popular Forces lack popular legitimacy and are widely seen as criminal collaborators, their utility lies in their ability to destabilise Hamas from within,' said Krieg. Israeli troops in Rafah, southern Gaza, in October 2024 (Israeli Army handout/AFP) Hamas has killed at least 50 members of Abu Shabab's forces, the group said earlier this week. Ynet reported that Abu Shabab's militia had killed six members of Hamas' 'Arrow' unit, which is responsible for targeting collaborators with Israel. Israeli media also reported that an Israeli drone strike targeted Hamas fighters while they were clashing with members of Abu Shabab's militia. Do the Popular Forces have support beyond Israel? It is not immediately clear if the gang has other external backers. Since May, the group has created social media accounts and posted professionally produced propaganda videos, which may have been made with outside help. Israel cuts Gaza internet as dozens more aid seekers killed Read More » 'While direct evidence of regional sponsorship is lacking, there are suggestive indicators,' said Krieg. One of Abu Shabab's militiamen was recently pictured driving a vehicle with an Emirati number plate, 'an unusual and conspicuous detail in the context of besieged Gaza,' according to Krieg. 'This, combined with his group's anti-Hamas posture, has fuelled speculation that actors aligned with the UAE, which has a well-documented history of supporting anti-Islamist surrogates in Libya, Yemen and Sudan, may be involved indirectly,' he said. There is no direct evidence of UAE backing. A Palestinian official told i24news that an adviser to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas was directly communicating with the gang. Abu Shabab's gang has said that it is working under the umbrella of 'Palestinian legitimacy', a phrase often used by leaders of Fatah, who are longstanding rivals of Hamas. PA spokesperson Anwar Rajab has denied any connection between the PA and Abu Shabab. Will the Popular Front have a post-war role? As things stand, it appears unlikely that the Popular Forces will play any serious long-term role in Gaza after the war. Military sources told Maariv that Israeli support was only part of a short-term tactical move. 'These gangs cannot be a substitute for a long-term strategic plan. As an alternative to Hamas, a move must be built with countries in the region that will build a governing structure that will replace Hamas," one source said. 'Israel has a long track record of inadvertently creating surrogate Frankenstein monsters' – Andreas Krieg, security expert According to Krieg, the militia is too small, criminally tainted and politically toxic to serve as a viable governing force. 'Their limited size and lack of legitimacy among Palestinians, compounded by their open collaboration with Israeli forces, render them structurally incapable of administering territory or managing civil affairs in a sustainable way,' he said. Krieg added that Israel had no incentive to formalise relations with a group whose existence could disrupt broader diplomatic efforts with Arab states. 'But Israel has a long track record of inadvertently creating surrogate Frankenstein monsters in the short-term that then develop lives of their own.'

Blood or bread: Surviving Israel's vicious hunger regime in Gaza
Blood or bread: Surviving Israel's vicious hunger regime in Gaza

Middle East Eye

time6 hours ago

  • Middle East Eye

Blood or bread: Surviving Israel's vicious hunger regime in Gaza

Gaza's tragedy is not limited to the visible victims of massacres or the destruction of homes and cities. Alongside these horrors, Palestinians endure an unbearable level of psychological and social exhaustion, the result of a systematic Zionist policy designed to turn life in Gaza into a living hell. Even basic daily routines now demand extraordinary resilience. The simple act of survival has become a form of heroism. For more than 100 consecutive days, the Zionist colonial regime has employed one of the most vile and despicable methods of warfare ever conceived: depriving children, women and men of the most essential requirement for survival - food. Since 2 March 2025, the Israeli occupation army has closed Gaza's border crossings and entirely prohibited the entry of food, medicine or fuel. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Even prior to that date, the limited number of trucks allowed in failed to meet basic needs. But Israel exploited the world's acclimatisation to this collective punishment regime and escalated it, enforcing a total ban on food supplies. Empty shelves Palestinians in Gaza survived on the last remnants of flour and stored goods. But as the days dragged on, most items ran out. The few remaining became astronomically expensive - their prices skyrocketing 20 to 30 times. The majority of the population can no longer afford these extortionate prices. Parents are forced to ignore the cries of their hungry children and urge them to sleep on empty stomachs. Many can barely manage to secure a single, poor-quality meal per day, often a dish from a charitable soup kitchen. I ask the seller to place the biscuit in a black wrapper. He says he has none. So I hide the biscuit in my pocket like a thief But those kitchens, too, rely on border crossings to replenish their supplies. With them sealed, they resorted to existing stockpiles, which are also now running out. As a result, most have been forced to cease operations. Markets are nearly bare, with only a few stalls displaying a limited selection of items. Each morning, I walk more than 3km in search of anything edible. The era of relative comfort - when one could go out and buy a specific item from a nearby shop - is over. Now, we walk long distances not to buy, but to find out if anything can be bought at all. "Anything" in my case means a loaf of bread, a packet of biscuits, a few falafel balls - nothing more. Sometimes, I circle the market two or three times before giving up and returning to my tent. If I happen to spot something potentially purchasable, the second step is to brace myself before asking the price. Regardless of one's expectations, the answer is likely to be shocking. For example, a biscuit that once cost one shekel rose to three, then five, then 10, then 20. A chocolate bar that once cost five shekels ($1.40) climbed to 15, then 30, then 50, then 100 - before vanishing altogether. A sack of flour that once sold for $10 now costs $1,000. Stolen meals One of the most painful sights is the way children's eyes follow the goods on display. These are children whose parents cannot provide even the bare minimum, let alone what has now become a luxury. War on Gaza: How Israel is replicating Nazi starvation tactics Read More » I cannot bear their gazes. I can do very little to help. That is why, when I buy something like a biscuit, I ask the seller to place it in a black wrapper. He says he has none. So I hide the biscuit in my pocket like a thief. It is an uncomfortable feeling, but reality imposes a tremendous inner conflict. That biscuit might be my only meal of the day, and the number of children bearing the visible marks of deprivation far exceeds my ability to help. But the disappearance of goods and astronomical prices are not the only problems. There is also a severe cash shortage. For more than a year, banks in Gaza have been completely shut down. The occupying government has blocked the injection of liquidity that would enable people to carry out basic transactions. This is no accident - it is part of a broader effort to drive people to the brink. This war on liquidity has strangled people's ability to buy and sell. Traders have become excessively strict, scrutinising banknotes and coins, often refusing to accept them on the grounds that they are worn, scratched or slightly torn. This adds yet another layer to the psychological exhaustion. One might finally locate an item at a relatively "moderate" price - only 10 times the normal rate - only for the transaction to collapse because the seller refuses the buyer's money. Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage of the Israel-Palestine war Gone are the days when a seller would kindly say, "Take it now and pay later." Harsh conditions have replaced kindness with severity. If someone argues, "I didn't print this banknote - it came from the market and will return to it," the seller replies that another trader won't accept it either. In those moments, a person may feel an overwhelming urge to argue or even shout: "Why are you creating new problems? Are the ones imposed by the occupation not enough?" These are the daily battles faced in Gaza - not isolated frustrations, but constant, grinding confrontations. Cash war Recently, an even more alarming trend has emerged: traders now deduct a so-called "commission" in exchange for providing cash. Before the war, this fee had never exceeded 1 percent. Now, with banks closed and liquidity scarce, it has risen to five, then 15, 25, 40 - even 50 percent. Another example of the madness is how traders now compete with the people for their own money, leaving them with scraps. This war has exposed the greed of those merchants who exploit death to enrich themselves. This war on liquidity has strangled people's ability to buy and sell - sometimes a listed price vanishes at the till because worn notes are rejected But we must not lose sight of the real architect of this collapse: the Zionist extermination authorities, who have deliberately drained Gaza of cash in order to make life utterly unviable. After a wave of international condemnation from western governments over Israel's starvation policy, the extermination authorities adopted a new trick. They claimed they would allow some aid trucks into Gaza. After days of delay, a few lorries were permitted entry, barely meeting two percent of the population's needs. Then, during their journey, Israel bombed the security personnel escorting them, killing them, while looters attacked the aid under Israeli air force cover. This tactic - bombing escorts - has been repeated dozens of times. It is a clear signal that Israel is intentionally promoting social collapse and looting in Gaza. Aid as target Israel claims to be fighting Hamas's control over food supplies - a blatant lie that easily falls apart under scrutiny. The entities responsible for distribution are globally trusted, including the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (Unrwa) and the World Food Programme. Since the start of this genocidal war, these organisations have proven their ability to distribute aid swiftly and effectively. But Israel's goal has shifted: it no longer seeks to merely "manage" the population - it wants to suffocate Palestinian society entirely, waging war on international humanitarian organisations in the process. Thus, it has adopted a policy of "permission to enter, not to deliver". A few trucks are allowed in - just enough to maintain a public relations cover - while those same trucks are blocked from reaching the warehouses of UN agencies for organised distribution. Israel has fully invested in generating chaos and societal collapse. With the repeated targeting of security escorts guarding aid trucks and worsening starvation, Gaza's social fabric is unravelling at a terrifying pace. The hungry now flood truck routes, attacking the lorries in a desperate bid to acquire flour or any other available food item. In this hopeless scramble, new victims fall daily, crushed in the chaos or attacked by armed gangs. These gangs, reading Israel's signal, now raid trucks and hoard the contents to sell back at extortionate prices to the starving population. Collapse by design The current equation in Gaza is brutally simple: To feed themselves or their children, people are left with only two options - either be wealthy enough to pay $1,000 for a sack of flour, or join an armed gang. And even then, success is not guaranteed - it may simply mean being shot by a rival group. Israel is starving Gaza to death, and still the world does nothing Mads Gilbert Read More » Israel has used every vile method imaginable to wage war on Gaza and render it uninhabitable: killing people with missiles, medical denial, starvation and now societal collapse. It is driving people to the edge, forcing them into a battle for food. How are decent people - those who sit in tents with their hungry children - supposed to survive this nightmare? How are they to compete with gangs and criminals for a loaf of bread for their families? Israel's message to the people of Gaza is clear: "If you want to survive starvation, you must become savages. You must abandon your humanity entirely. That's exactly what we expect of you." The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store