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Scottish castle hotel where Nelson Mandela stayed for sale

Scottish castle hotel where Nelson Mandela stayed for sale

Graham + Sibbald is marketing the Shieldhill Castle Hotel, Quothquan, Biggar. Mr Mandela stayed there in 1997 during the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting.
The agent said: 'A house has stood at Shieldhill on its present site overlooking the Clyde Valley and Lanarkshire hills, for over 800 years. It originally dates back to 1199, and parts of the original remain, but it is the 18th and 19th Century additions to the main property that predominate. The house has been occupied since 1560, mainly by the Chancellor family, who it was that sold the property in 1959. It was then that Shieldhill metamorphosed into hotel use.'
The hotel has spaces available for a variety of uses. (Image: Graham + Sibbald) Graham + Sibbald said: 'There is an attractive range of public areas, in the hotel, to suit a variety of uses and guests and there is a marquee for weddings and functions.
'Externally, the hotel boasts tranquil tree lined grounds of 6.5 acres with lawns and an ornamental pond; plus the 'Nelson Mandela' tree commemorating his visit in 1997.'
Alistair Letham, a hotel and leisure consultant with Graham + Sibbald, said: 'Shieldhill has been a feature in the country house hotel sector, in Southern Scotland for many years. The availability of Shieldhill Castle Hotel presents a wonderful opportunity to acquire an established country house hotel, in good order, with excellent business development prospects.'
Graham + Sibbald is inviting offers around £1.5 million.
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Spending Review: The Labour government must escape its own shadow
Spending Review: The Labour government must escape its own shadow

BBC News

time2 hours ago

  • BBC News

Spending Review: The Labour government must escape its own shadow

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And we showcase thought-provoking content from across BBC Sounds and iPlayer too. You can send us your feedback on the InDepth section by clicking on the button below.

Britain is heading for utter oblivion. Here is why
Britain is heading for utter oblivion. Here is why

Telegraph

time3 hours ago

  • Telegraph

Britain is heading for utter oblivion. Here is why

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Even before the recent migration boom, the 2021 Census found over a million people could not speak English well or at all. Near where I live, English was not the main language of 30 per cent of people in Leicester back in 2021; in several London Boroughs the figure was even higher. Oikophobia and the undermining of anything we can unite around What we really badly need in the face of such unprecedented changes is a really strong, confident, unifying national culture that people can assimilate into as much as what we have got is the very opposite. Most of Britain's cultural institutions are locked into a highly self-hating mindset. On Remembrance Sunday 2021, the Imperial War Museum in London allowed a rap group to perform a piece criticising Winston Wellcome Collection in London closed its 'Medicine Man' exhibition, which displayed objects collected by Henry Wellcome, after declaring it 'racist, sexist, and ableist.' The Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford removed its display of shrunken heads and other ethnographic artefacts from public view, citing their role in perpetuating 'racist stereotypes' about indigenous cultures. The Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge updated its exhibition labels to highlight issues of 'racism, sexism, and class disparity', while the National Trust has done similarly across its properties. There's an entire industry trying to make everything about slavery. Tate Britain's 'Hogarth and Europe' exhibition included a label for a William Hogarth self-portrait that suggested the chair he sat in, possibly made from colonial timbers, could 'stand in for all those unnamed black and brown people enabling the society that supports his vigorous creativity.' Jane Austen and William Shakespeare's old houses have been 'decolonised'. The Royal Institution's Faraday Museum introduced a display examining the 'racist,' 'slave-trading,' or 'problematic' links of celebrated scientists like Sir Humphry Davy. The Church of England has agreed to pay £100 million in slavery 'reparations.' This sustained campaign of demoralisation by cultural elites is also reflected in many educational institutions – and it's working. Young people have come to dislike Britain more than they did 20 years ago, and are more likely to think it racist, disunited and shameful. Social breakdown and welfarism More than 40 per cent of children of GCSE age live in lone parent households in Southwark, Lambeth, Islington, Lewisham, Hackney, Knowsley, Blackpool, Liverpool and Greenwich. There are whole groups for whom this is the norm: 63 per cent of kids from a Caribbean background were in lone parent households in 2021. And many two adult households are re-formed. 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We've gone from 2 per cent of 16 year olds claiming in 2002, to 8 per cent in 2023. That's about two kids in every average classroom. Historically, people have (unsurprisingly) got sicker as they age, but 16 year olds are now as likely to be claiming to be sick as 50 year olds. An ONS breakdown found that in 2022, nearly two thirds (63 per cent) of those aged 16 to 34 cited either mental illness or 'depression, bad nerves or anxiety' as their reason for being long term sick. The cost of this is accelerating – real terms spending on sickness and disability benefits is forecast to grow to £100 bn by the end of this parliament, up from £50 billion in 2008. Despite this, the present government has abandoned plans to tighten the Work Capability Assessment, which means 400,000 more people will be signed off as unfit to work. Despite promises of reform, the OBR notes that welfare spending will continue to rise overall, and since the Spring Statement the government has also announced plans to spend a further £3.5 billion a year removing the two-child cap on benefits. The Mental Health Culture, together with the shift to a smartphone-based childhood, is likely to accelerate this. Well-meaning people have created a culture in which young people are constantly prompted to worry about their mental health. Social breakdown and welfarism have a kind of momentum too. When I was in government, DWP officials used to say claims are contagious. People copy what those around them are doing. In many parts of the UK we are now several generations into self-reinforcing cycles of deprivation and dysfunction. A beached, hollowed-out economy The OBR's forecast for growth in living standards is pretty bleak, and got worse as a result of Rachel Reeves's first budget: there are numerous reasons for these problems – the growth of welfare; an unselective migration policy; bad demographics and an ageing society; the loading up of the struggling economy with costly objectives like net zero; issues with state capacity and the furring up of the economic arteries by excessive planning processes. 1 Amazingly, public services productivity fell from 1997-2010. It then grew to 2019, but the pandemic reversed this progress, meaning the ONS measure of productivity in 2024 was at 1997 levels. That's mindblowing stagnation. As well as failing on the basics, the UK seems to be poorly placed for the future. One reason countries in Asia have so dramatically caught up with or overtaken the UK in terms of living standards since the 1970s is that they have created a successful innovation-industrial ecosystem, and consciously aimed to grow their capabilities. In contrast, the UK has deindustrialised more than many other developed countries, struggles to scale successful companies, and has steadily lost the areas of technological leadership it had. Our research budget goes on academic stuff, mainly in universities, with excruciating bureaucracy, while Asia dominates the kind of applied, industrial research that leads to economic growth. You can see that in the way the UK's share of patent applications has collapsed – the graph below needs a log scale so you can even see the UK, but we file only one patent for every 16 the South Koreans do, even though South Korea is a smaller country. Even in 2021 China filed 123 applications for every one we did – and the gap is probably bigger now. Unless something changes, the future will be made in Asia, not here. The confluence But the really worrying thing is the confluence of all this – the way all these problems reinforce one another. Arrows run between them in all directions like a Jeremy Deller mindmap. Unless things change, the demographic crisis will doom the economy, and with it drag down the public realm – lower growth, less money for public spending, worse public spaces. Unselective mass migration creates a burden on the economy. The asylum system alone costs around £7 billion a year. Migrants move to poorer places, and many of the places that have had the most migration have the greatest problems with welfarism, social breakdown and the decay of the public realm. It is harder to create a sense of shared purpose when fewer people have much history in the country. A more divided society makes it harder to solve the other problems. Why come to, or stay in, such a country? Why fight for it when the chips are down? Elite cultural self-hate and two-tier justice pour petrol on the sparks of conflict that rapid migration and social change inevitably creates. Social breakdown and welfarism cramp the economy – welfare payments drain the public funds we need for investment in the future, while scuzzy places don't attract investment. The soft-touch welfare state helps to drive the worst kinds of illegal immigration and creates a more divided society. A faltering economy, meanwhile, makes it harder to do the things we need to do to tackle the demographic crisis. Weak growth compounds welfarism and erodes the public realm – from potholed roads to the urban streets that are covered in stickers and graffiti and smell of wee or weed. In a struggling economy the dynamics of a newly hyperdiverse society become more dangerous.

What will Spending Review mean for NI public services?
What will Spending Review mean for NI public services?

BBC News

time3 hours ago

  • BBC News

What will Spending Review mean for NI public services?

Next week the Chancellor Rachel Reeves will reveal the outcome of her Spending will allocate money to day-to-day public services for the next three will also set infrastructure budgets for the next four review will directly impact on what Stormont Ministers have to spend on public services in Northern Ireland. What do we already know? Last year Reeves set what is known as the "spending envelope" – the amount by which total government spending will change in a given spending is planned to grow by an average of 1.2% above the rate of inflation each year for the next three spending is planned to grow by 1.3% above inflation a year over the next four are much lower growth rates than this year and last year, reflecting the new government's "emergency" injection of cash into the health service and public sector pay Wednesday the Chancellor will break it down further, making allocations to each central government precise allocation of this money matters for Stormont's spending plans. Health vs Defence: Why it matters? More than 90% of what Stormont ministers have to spend comes from the Treasury through what is known as "the block grant."The increase in the block grant is worked out using a calculation known as the Barnett formula, which is based on the annual changes in UK central government departmental gives Stormont an equivalent spending increase for the size of the NI population, adjusted for the extent to which each service is services, like health, are almost entirely devolved but defence is not the government decides it is going to spend more on defence at the expense of other services that will have an impact on the amount of extra money in the Stormont simple terms: If the UK Department of Health sees its budget increase by £100m, then Northern Ireland would get approximately £3m the Ministry of Defence budget increases by £100m Stormont does not get anything extra. A bigger Stormont top-up? When devolution was restored in 2024 the government agreed a financial package which included an automatic top-up of any money awarded by the Barnett government was persuaded that the level of need in Northern Ireland means it requires spending of £124 per head for every £100 per head spent in Northern Ireland was funded below that level, the government said that in future every £1 that comes through the Barnett formula will now come with an extra will apply until the overall level of funding need is independent Fiscal Council has estimated that will be worth £815m over five government said the size of the top up could be reviewed if "independent and credible sources" provide that end the Executive commissioned a study from the economist Prof Gerry Holtham, an expert in the devolution of public BBC understands that his work has come back with a range of possible funding central estimates are £123 per head, for every £100 spent in England, if agricultural spending is excluded and £128 per head if agriculture forms part of the the Treasury is persuaded to accept the higher end of the range it will be worth tens of millions of pounds extra over the next five years. Softening the cliff edge? The devolution financial package also brought a large dollop of one-off UK government funding, largely to pay for public sector pay that creates a cliff-edge drop in Stormont funding of about £500m in 2026/27 when that short term money runs government committed to review "concerns about 2026-27 funding" at the Spending Fiscal Council has suggested options to tackle the cliff edge could include more one-off funding or setting a new, higher baseline for Stormont's it is also possible that the normal operation of Spending Review will allocate enough money to largely remove the cliff edge. Casement Park breakthrough? The Chancellor will be allocating trillions of pounds in the Spending Review but it is a tiny fraction of that which may have most political impact in Northern is a growing expectation that the UK government will come up with additional money for the construction of a new GAA stadium at Casement Park in project has been bogged down in labyrinthine planning and funding GAA official leading the project has told the BBC he is cautiously optimistic that the Spending Review will include a new financial contribution for the redevelopment project.

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