
Kemi Badenoch: Labour letting ‘guilty councils' investigate grooming gangs
Labour is letting 'guilty councils' decide whether or not to investigate their own grooming gang scandals, Kemi Badenoch has warned.
Writing for The Telegraph, the Conservative leader said Sir Keir Starmer's party was ' letting down the rape gangs survivors time and again' by refusing to hold a national inquiry into child sexual exploitation.
Instead, she said Labour was leaving it to local councils to take the initiative on commissioning inquiries into the problem locally, potentially allowing guilty men to evade justice.
Ms Badenoch demanded a statutory national inquiry - with powers to force council staff, police, health workers and charities to give evidence - and will force another vote in the Commons on the issue next month.
'The Labour government have determined that it is for the councils to decide to commission an inquiry into child sexual exploitation locally,' she wrote.
'But in doing so, they are ignoring the fact that for decades, girls were trafficked across towns and cities in England. The rape gangs have a presence in over 50 towns. This is a national problem, not a local one.'
'Colluded with police'
The opposition leader added: 'In some cases, councils actually turned a blind eye to the abuse and colluded with police to keep this scandal under wraps.
'Local inquiries require potentially guilty councils to choose to investigate themselves. Indeed, it was only after Labour lost control of the council in Oldham that the council requested an inquiry.'
The issue of Asian grooming gangs has been described as the 'biggest child protection scandal in UK history', after it emerged that at least 1,400 girls in Rotherham had been sexually abused between 1997 and 2013.
Most of the perpetrators were British Pakistanis, and campaigners said police had ignored complaints for fear of being seen as racist or Islamophobic.
Since then, similar examples have emerged in Oldham, Telford and dozens of other towns.
The scandal shot back into the headlines earlier this year after it emerged that Jess Phillips, the safeguarding minister, had turned down government funding for an inquiry into grooming in Oldham.
Elon Musk, the tech billionaire, claimed the decision had been taken to protect Sir Keir, a former Director of Public Prosecutions.
Labour's Andy Burnham, the Greater Manchester Mayor, also called for an inquiry, as did Rotherham MP Sarah Champion.
Earlier this month, Cabinet minister Lucy Powell faced calls to resign after dismissing the grooming gangs scandal as a 'dog whistle' issue.
The Leader of the House of Commons accused a political commentator of blowing a 'little trumpet' when he brought up a Channel 4 documentary on the subject.
More than 100,000 people have now signed a petition demanding a national inquiry into grooming gangs.
A spokesman for Ms Badenoch said the Tories would be putting down an amendment to the Crime and Justice Bill to force a national statutory inquiry into grooming gangs when it comes before the Commons.
I won't let Starmer hide from the rape gang scandal
Politics moves fast. One day, a scandal dominates the headlines. The next, it vanishes.
Governments rely on this chaos to wriggle free from tough questions, and that's exactly what Keir Starmer was doing when he ignored calls for a national inquiry into the rape gangs still ruining lives across our country.
But I'm determined to keep this issue in the spotlight. The media and Westminster might move on, but those affected have no such luxury.
'There's too many buzzwords, phrases that they're using like 'we've learned lessons' and 'we hold our hands up'… but they keep making the same mistakes.'
That was the reply of one survivor when I asked if she felt the Labour government was doing enough to deliver justice for the likely tens of thousands of girls and boys who, over decades, were brutally abused by rape gangs; men whose values had no place in Britain.
Since the start of the year, I have been meeting survivors of these odious gangs, hearing their stories and asking what it is they want to see.
There is a deep mistrust of those in power. It's hardly surprising when one of Keir Starmer's most powerful ministers, Leader of the House of Commons Lucy Powell, dismissed the issue as 'dog whistle' and described those raising the problem as blowing 'that little trumpet'.
Thoughtless words like Powell's not only reinforce the mistrust, they also rightly cast doubt on what little the Labour government have announced. Last week, I met a survivor at her home in Bradford. She told me: 'The world is now watching Oldham' (the only council to come forward with a request for one of Labour's local inquiries), 'and we are going to get it wrong'
This simply isn't good enough. From arrogant dismissals that reveal their true thoughts on the issue, to U-turns on inquiries and funding, Labour is letting down the rape gangs survivors time and again. Worse still, every survivor I speak to – and many of the police and council whistleblowers – believe this is a problem still going on.
That is why I won't stop my call for a statutory inquiry that forces us to confront this horror and gets to the truth about the extent of the abuse and the cover-ups and makes sure it never happens again.
And it is not just me calling for this, nor the many victims who tell me a statutory inquiry is needed to serve justice. More than 140,000 people have now signed the Conservatives' petition for a statutory inquiry. Alongside them, politicians from independent MP Rupert Lowe to Labour MP Sarah Champion and Labour's Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham have all expressed support for a full inquiry.
Yet the Labour government have determined that it is for the councils to decide to commission an inquiry into child sexual exploitation locally. But in doing so, they are ignoring the fact that for decades, girls were trafficked across towns and cities in England. The rape gangs have a presence in over 50 towns. This is a national problem, not a local one.
Labour is exhibiting the same attitude encountered by many of the whistleblowers who tried to help these girls. Many were shamefully ignored by those who could have intervened. Why? Because of a system in which people were too scared to act, or worse, incentivised to protect perpetrators and demonise victims.
We need to ensure that the culture and bureaucracy that allowed this cover-up to happen are properly scrutinised. We know for a fact that compromised officials are still working in the public sector and have not yet been held accountable. Only a national inquiry can compel witnesses from the police, charities and the NHS to give evidence under oath.
In some cases, councils actually turned a blind eye to the abuse and colluded with police to keep this scandal under wraps. Local inquiries require potentially guilty councils to choose to investigate themselves. Indeed, it was only after Labour lost control of the council in Oldham that the council requested an inquiry.
There has been some good work. The Alexis Jay inquiry produced some important recommendations, most of which the Conservative government accepted. But the Jay inquiry didn't seek to reveal the cover-up or expose who was responsible.
The Conservative government set up the Grooming Gangs Taskforce, which helped police forces identify and protect over 4,000 victims and contributed to 500 arrests in 12 months. But it is clear we still need to go further, and only a national inquiry will do the job.
So, we are going to force another vote on the floor of parliament for a national inquiry into rape gangs. I urge all MPs to vote for truth and justice for the victims. Be part of the solution, not the problem. This is an issue of national integrity.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Guardian
22 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Frederick Forsyth obituary
Frederick Forsyth always claimed that when, in early 1970, as an unemployed foreign correspondent, he sat down at a portable typewriter and 'bashed out' The Day of the Jackal, he 'never had the slightest intention of becoming a novelist'. Forsyth, who has died aged 86, also became well known as a political and social commentator, often with acerbic views on the European Union, international terrorism, security matters and the status of Britain's armed forces, but it is for his thrillers that he will be best remembered. Forsyth's manuscript for The Day of the Jackal was rejected by three publishers and withdrawn from a fourth before being taken up by Hutchinson in a three-book deal in 1971. Even then there were doubts, as half the publisher's sales force were said to have expressed no confidence in a book that plotted the assassination of the French president General Charles de Gaulle – an event that everyone knew did not happen. The skill of the book was that its pace and seemingly forensic detail encouraged readers to suspend disbelief and accept that not only was the plot real, but that the Jackal – an anonymous English assassin – almost pulled it off. In fact, at certain points, the reader's sympathy lies with the Jackal rather than with his victim. It was a publishing tour de force, winning the Mystery Writers' of America Edgar award for best first novel, attracting a record paperback deal at the Frankfurt book fair and being quickly filmed by the US director Fred Zinnemann, with Edward Fox as the ruthless Jackal. Forsyth was offered a flat fee for the film rights (£20,000) or a fee plus a percentage of the profits – he took the flat fee, later admitting that he was 'pathetic at money'. The 1972 paperback edition of The Day of the Jackal was reprinted 33 times in 18 years and is still in print, but while readers were happy to be taken in by Forsyth's painstakingly researched details (about everything from faked passports to assembling a sniper's rifle), the critics and the crime-writing establishment were far from impressed. Whodunit? A Guide to Crime, Spy and Suspense Stories, published in 1982, by which time Forsyth's sales were well into the millions, declared rather loftily that 'authenticity is to Forsyth what imagination is to many other writers', and the critic Julian Symons dismissed Forsyth as having 'no pretension to anything more than journalistic expertise'. It was a formula that readers clearly approved of, with the subsequent novels in that original three-book deal, The Odessa File (1972) and The Dogs of War (1974), being both bestsellers and successful films. Novellas, collections of short stories and more novels were to follow. These included The Fourth Protocol (1984), which had a cameo role for the British spy-in-exile Kim Philby and was also successfully filmed, with a screenplay by Forsyth and starring Michael Caine and a pre-Bond Pierce Brosnan and, against type, The Phantom of Manhattan (1999), a sequel to Gaston Leroux's The Phantom of the Opera. Nothing, however, was to match the impact of The Day of the Jackal and when a Guardian journalist spotted a copy in a London flat used by the world's most wanted terrorist, Ilich Ramírez Sánchez, or 'Carlos', in 1975, the British press dubbed him Carlos the Jackal, with no need to explain the reference. Born in Ashford, Kent, Frederick was the son of Phyllis and Frederick Sr, shopkeepers at 4 North Street – his mother's dress business operated on the ground floor and his father sold furs on the first floor. He was educated at Tonbridge school, where supportive teachers and summer holidays abroad ensured that Frederick excelled at French, German and Russian. At the age of 16, he enrolled on an RAF flying scholarship course that brought him a pilot's licence by the age of 17 and eased his way into the RAF proper for his national service, where he obtained his pilot's 'wings' and flew Vampire jets as the youngest pilot in the service. However, when he failed in his ambition to be posted to a frontline squadron, he opted for a change of career and in 1958 entered journalism as a trainee with the Eastern Daily Press in their King's Lynn office. In the autumn of 1961 he set his sights on Fleet Street, and his fluency with languages (which now included Spanish) got him a job with Reuters press agency. In May 1962, he was posted to Reuters' office in Paris, where De Gaulle was the target of numerous assassination attempts by disaffected Algerians. The experience was not lost on Forsyth, but before he could put it to good use in The Day of the Jackal, there were other journalistic postings, a war to survive and a non-fiction book to write. The Reuters' office in East Berlin was a plum posting for any journalist in 1963 as the cold war turned distinctly chilly, despite the attentions of the East German security services. However, when he returned to Britain in 1965 for a job as a diplomatic correspondent with the BBC, it was Broadcasting House rather than East Berlin which he found to be 'a nest of vipers'. Forsyth's relationship with the BBC hierarchy was antagonistic from the start and deteriorated rapidly when he was sent to Nigeria in 1967 to cover the civil war then unravelling. Objecting to the unquestioning acceptance of Nigerian communiques that downplayed the situation, by both the Foreign Office and the BBC, Forsyth began to file stories putting the secessionist Biafran side of the story as well as the developing humanitarian crisis. He was recalled to London for an official BBC reprimand but returned to Nigeria as a freelance at his own expense to cover the increasingly bloody war and to write a Penguin special, The Biafra Story (1969). He returned to Britain for Christmas 1969, low on funds, his BBC career in tatters and with nowhere to live. On 2 January 1970, camped out in the flat of a friend, he began to write a novel on a battered portable typewriter. After 35 days The Day of the Jackal was finished, and fame and fortune followed. In 1973 he married Carrie (Carole) Cunningham, and they moved to Spain to avoid the rates of income tax likely to be introduced by an incoming Labour government. In 1974 they relocated to County Wicklow in Ireland, where writers and artists were treated gently when it came to tax, returning to Britain in 1980 once Margaret Thatcher was firmly established in Downing Street. By 1990, Forsyth had undergone an amicable divorce from Carrie, but a far less amicable separation from his investment broker and his life savings, and claimed to have lost more than £2m in a share fraud. To recoup his losses, Forsyth threw himself into writing fiction, producing another string of bestsellers, although none had the impact of his first three novels. He was appointed CBE in 1997 and received the Crime Writers' Association's Diamond Dagger for lifetime achievement in 2012. In 2016 he announced that he would write no more thrillers and that his memoir The Outsider (2015), which revealed that he had worked as an unpaid courier for MI6, or 'The Firm' as he called it, would be his swansong. He acquired a reputation as a rather pungent pundit, both on Radio 4 and in a column in the Daily Express, when it came to such topics as the 'offensive' European Union, the leadership of the Conservative party, the state of Britain's prisons and jihadist volunteers returning from Middle Eastern conflicts. He was an active campaigner on behalf of Sgt Alexander Blackman, 'Marine A', who was jailed for the murder of an injured Taliban fighter in Afghanistan in 2011. Forsyth maintained that Blackman had been made a scapegoat by the army from the moment of his court martial. In 2017 the conviction was overturned. Often concerned with military charities, Forsyth wrote the lyrics to Fallen Soldier, a lament for military casualties in all wars recorded and released in 2016. Forsyth was not the first foreign correspondent to take up thriller-writing. Ian Fleming had led the way in the 1950s, with Alan Williams and Derek Lambert carrying the torch into the 1960s. The spectacular success of The Day of the Jackal did however encourage a new generation, among them the ITN reporter Gerald Seymour, whose debut novel, Harry's Game, was generously reviewed by Forsyth in the Sunday Express in 1975. Years later, Seymour remembered the impact of Forsyth's debut, The Day of the Jackal: 'That really hit the news rooms. There was a feeling that it should be part of a journalist's knapsack to have a thriller.' Despite having declared Forsyth's retirement from fiction, his publisher Bantam announced the appearance of an 18th novel, The Fox, in 2018. Based on real-life cases of young British hackers, The Fox centres on an 18-year-old schoolboy with Asperger syndrome and the ability to access the computers of government security and defence systems. For Christmas 1973 Disney based the short film The Shepherd, a ghostly evocation of second world war airfields, on a 1975 short story by Forsyth. The following year The Day of the Jackal was reimagined by Ronan Bennett for a TV series with Eddie Redmayne taking the place of Fox. Later this year a sequel to The Odessa File, Revenge of Odessa, written with Tony Kent, is due to appear. Forsyth will be a subject of the BBC TV documentary series In My Own Words. In 1994 he married Sandy Molloy. She died last year. He is survived by his two sons, Stuart and Shane, from his first marriage. Frederick Forsyth, journalist and thriller writer, born 25 August 1938; died 9 June 2025


Scottish Sun
26 minutes ago
- Scottish Sun
Moment cops dig up Channel migrant dinghies hidden deep under French beach in blow to smugglers
Read on to find out how much taxpayers are being forced to fork out to house migrants in hotels HIDE THEM ON THE BEACHES HIDE THEM ON THE BEACHES Moment cops dig up Channel migrant dinghies hidden deep under French beach in blow to smugglers Click to share on X/Twitter (Opens in new window) Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) CHANNEL migrant smugglers are hiding boats deep under French beaches, police have revealed. A haul of nautical equipment was found by officers buried along the beach at the resort of Wimereux. Sign up for Scottish Sun newsletter Sign up 4 A French cop works to uncover a migrant dinghy buried beneath the sands of a beach in the resort of Wimereux Credit: Police Nationale 4 The dinghy that was dug up by French cops Credit: Police Nationale 4 Cops also found other equipment for the dinghy, including pumps, fuel and an outboard motor to propel the migrants to England Credit: Police Nationale The find included an inflatable dinghy, an outboard motor, lifejackets and oars. The gangs are stowing their boats underground at night and directing migrants to dig them up, inflate them and set off on crossings. A French officer told The Sun: 'The equipment was all neatly packaged and ready for use when the migrants arrived. 'This follows lots of cars being driven by the smugglers being intercepted, so that the boats can be confiscated. 'They now seem to be hiding the boats late at night, leaving them there for a while, and then telling their clients where to find them.' Migrants are paying up to £1,300 for a perilous passage to Britain on the dug-up boats. They can be packed with 80 people — but are designed to carry 20. Pictures taken by Calais police show a French officer using a shovel to dig up a boat from the sands at Wimereux last week. Huge numbers of migrants are now reaching England's south coast, lured by the promise of free hotels, healthcare and little prospect of being deported. A record 1,194 arrived on a single day last month while French officers stopped just 184 out of 1,378. 4 Starmer 'loses control' as over 1,000 migrants cross Channel in biggest daily total of 2025 – as French cops watch on The total figure for 2025 is now close to 15,000, the highest figure recorded in the first five months of a year. The 42 per cent increase has heaped pressure on Sir Keir Starmer's Labour government, whose pledge to smash smuggling gangs has failed to deliver results. Figures also show French police have intercepted just 38 per cent of migrants in small boats this year. That's down from 45 per cent in 2024, despite a £480million UK handout for extra officers and surveillance equipment on beaches. In the year to April, there were 33 boats with more than 80 people on board, compared with 11 in 2024 and one in 2023, figures from French and UK Home Office show. The Sun revealed yesterday that £4.7billion a year was now being spent to keep migrants in hotels.


Telegraph
26 minutes ago
- Telegraph
State is ‘stifling criticism of Islam over fear of violent mobs', says Tory MP
The state is stifling criticism of Islam because of fears of a violent mob reaction, a senior MP has claimed. Nick Timothy, a front-bench Tory MP, issued the warning ahead of his Bill aimed at protecting free speech and the right to criticise religions, including Islam, being presented before Parliament on Tuesday. It follows the conviction of Hamit Coskun, 50, for setting fire to a Koran outside the Turkish consulate in London earlier this year while declaring that Islam was a 'religion of terrorism'. He was found guilty of committing a racially aggravated public order offence during a peaceful protest. Politicians and free speech campaigners claimed the 'grotesque' prosecution was an attempt to revive long-abolished blasphemy laws. In an attempt to prevent future prosecutions, Mr Timothy, who is a columnist for The Telegraph, is proposing a Freedom of Expression (Religion) Bill that would rewrite the Public Order Act to prevent it being used as a 'de facto' blasphemy law. His bill, which is co-signed by 11 other MPs, would extend legal provisions – which protect the freedom to criticise religion in specific circumstances – to the whole of the Public Order Act. 'The Public Order Act is increasingly being used as a blasphemy law to protect Islam from criticism. The Act was never intended to do this. Parliament never voted for this, and the British people do not want it,' said Mr Timothy. 'To use the Public Order Act in this way is especially perverse, since it makes a protester accountable for the actions of those who respond with violence to criticism of their faith. This is wrong, and it destroys our freedom of speech. 'We should be honest that the law is only being used in this way because the authorities have become afraid of the violent reaction of mobs of people who want to impose their values on the rest of us. 'My Bill will put a stop to this and restore our freedom of speech – and our right to criticise any and all religions, including Islam.' At Westminster magistrates' court, Coskun was found guilty of a religiously aggravated public order offence of using disorderly conduct, which was motivated 'in part by hostility towards members of a religious group, namely followers of Islam'. Coskun, who is an atheist of Armenian-Kurdish descent, attended the Turkish Consulate on Feb 13 while holding a burning copy of the Koran above his head and shouting 'F---- Islam' and 'Islam is religion of terrorism'. He was ordered to pay £240, but despite the conviction he has pledged to continue burning Korans and intends to go on a tour of the UK, visiting Birmingham, Liverpool and Glasgow where he will set fire to the holy book. It is unclear whether he will resist doing so until the case is heard at the Court of Appeal where it will be decided whether he is able to challenge Monday's verdict.