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Is Berkeley finally ready to atone for its single-family housing sins?

Is Berkeley finally ready to atone for its single-family housing sins?

In 1914, a developer of Berkeley's wealthy neighborhoods invented single-family zoning for the explicit purpose of excluding non-wealthy families. The idea took off nationwide, leading to apartment bans and car-centric suburban sprawl.
By the 1970s, Berkeley, whose population was swelling with families living in new apartments, went further, freezing the construction of new housing citywide on the basis that halting population growth was pro-environment.
Berkeley's Black population, which had been growing until 1970, immediately began to shrink as housing options dried up and families were pushed out due to rising costs. By 1980, homelessness had become a severe issue in Berkeley.
Meanwhile, families that would've otherwise lived in low-carbon, car-lite homes in Berkeley were forced to the suburbs, destroying thousands of acres of open space and farmland for new suburbs and freeways in hot climates with carbon-intensive homes.
Berkeley didn't begin to address the consequences of its errors until the 2000s by allowing high-density apartments that helped lower rents. But most of the city's residential zones remain under a freeze today. And Berkeley is still not building any housing for middle-class families with children. Most residential neighborhoods are only available to the rich — those who can afford $1.6 million homes or low-density apartments built generations ago that cannot be built today.
On Thursday, Berkeley's City Council is poised to rectify this regrettable history by voting on the final draft of its 'Middle Housing' ordinance. The proposed rezoning would allow the construction of more low-density, multifamily homes.
In getting to this place, many compromises were made to reduce the number of homes that can be built under the ordinance. Fire zones are exempted. Density limits — 5 to 7 homes on a typical 5,000 square foot lot — were added. Three-story height limits were kept in place, as well as a two-story maximum in the rear of a property for privacy. A requirement that 40% of a lot be kept as open space was added. The council also passed the strongest tenant protections of almost any city in the United States.
Census data shows that Berkeley needs this ordinance if it wants to build its middle class. Households in homes of 2 to 4 units and 5 to 19 units, for example, make an average of $97,139 and $59,689, respectively. Families in single-family homes have a median income of $193,233. Berkeley's median household income, meanwhile, is $108,000, which is not enough to be able to afford the purchase of a $1.5 million single-family house.
As gentrification has gutted Black neighborhoods in the city, the only areas where the Black population is growing are downtown — the same place where the city is building housing. As a middle-income Black renter, my 10-home, three-story apartment is the only reason I can live in North Berkeley, and the same is true for the young families with school children who live in my building's two-bedroom units.
The new plan will also help older homeowners. Apartment bans force senior homeowners on fixed incomes to either cash out when a bill is due or refinance their mortgage. But my grandfather in Oakland was able to convert his house into a duplex and gain income from it instead of selling — building intergenerational wealth in an area where that possibility had long been redlined away.
Berkeley's plan is superior to the strategy of adding accessory dwelling units to the back of residential lots. While better than nothing, replacing backyards and gardens with housing units has its downside. Middle housing preserves more open space (40% or more of a lot in the ordinance) and backyard privacy by building up instead of filling the lot.
Climate research shows that multifamily homes have a lower carbon footprint than single-family homes, even in Berkeley. Climate scientists Daniel Kammen, a Nobel Prize winner, and Charlie Koven, lead author of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Sixth Assessment Report to the United Nations, have not only endorsed Berkeley's Middle Housing plan but also argue that the City Council should raise the density limit to achieve climate goals.
For the past six years, every City Council member and mayor — incumbent or newcomer — who supported the Middle Housing plan on their platforms handily defeated anti-housing challengers. But while the council unanimously supports the ordinance, final density decisions will still be up for debate on Thursday.
Whatever allowable dwelling units per acre the council decides on, all neighborhoods, regardless of racial or income demographics, should have the same density limit. That's the crucial point: to abolish exclusionary zoning.
Many Berkeley neighborhoods already have housing with 2 to 10 units, many of which don't look dissimilar from single-family houses. Most people don't care about density; they care about whether the buildings exceed the height limit of typical neighborhood residences and are well landscaped. Architects should respect what this zoning intends and build homes that add density but complement a district's architecture and garden landscaping.
By passing the Middle Housing ordinance on Thursday, Berkeley can show America that beautiful density for non-rich families, which is already the norm in Europe, is better than the suburban sprawl that the city popularized over a century ago.
Darrell Owens is a data analyst at Terner Labs and a planning commissioner for the city of Berkeley. His opinion does not represent Terner Labs, the University of California or the Berkeley Planning Commission.

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Mamdani's stunning win over Cuomo fueled by unlikely support in moderate NYC neighborhoods
Mamdani's stunning win over Cuomo fueled by unlikely support in moderate NYC neighborhoods

Yahoo

time38 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

Mamdani's stunning win over Cuomo fueled by unlikely support in moderate NYC neighborhoods

Zohran Mamdani's projected victory in Tuesday's Democratic mayoral primary was propelled by a surge in voters from historically Black and Hispanic neighborhoods coming out to support him despite leaning more moderate in past elections, including backing Eric Adams in 2021, according to a Daily News analysis of ballot data. Two key factors appear to be at play. Many voters in those neighborhoods appear to have been drawn in by Mamdani's theme of affordability amidst growing economic uncertainty, experts say. The makeup of the neighborhoods themselves have also changed, with gentrification driving an influx of many of the younger, progressive voters who flocked to Mamdani. Mamdani's upset win hasn't been officially declared yet, as ranked choice rounds still need to be added to the mix. But his main opponent, ex-Gov. Andrew Cuomo, condeded the race Tuesday night after it became clear there was no path for him left in the race. A big reason Cuomo, a centrist, was left without a path is because Mamdani, a socialist, beat him handily in at least seven Assembly Districts that have traditionally had more moderate political sensibilities. In the 2021 mayoral election, the neighborhoods in question, from Manhattan's Inwood to Brooklyn's Bedford-Stuyvesant, went for Adams, a moderate Democrat who ran a succesful campaign that year centered on a law-and-order message. Throughout the 2025 primary campaign, Cuomo tried to appeal to Adams' base, as the incumbent dropped out of the race amid fallout from his corruption indictment. Those districts backing Mamdani, a democratic socialist who ran on a tax-the-rich platform, speaks to a shifting current in the city's electorate. Experts also argued Mamdani was able to make inroads in the areas because Cuomo did little retail politics, leaning instead more on organized labor support and a massive war chest. These are the seven districts where the Adams-to-Mamdani shift played out most prominently in Tuesday's primary (the tallies are based on unofficial results released by the Board of Elections that include nearly all votes cast): •Assembly District 42, which spans Flatbush, where Mamdani beat Cuomo by more than 500 ballots •Assembly District 43, which spans Prospect Lefferts Gardens and Crown Heights, where Mamdani beat Cuomo by 3,800 ballots •Assembly District 56, which spans Bedford-Stuyvesant, where Mamdani beat Cuomo by more than 10,000 ballots •Assembly District 68, which spans East Harlem, where Mamdani beat Cuomo by more than 1,100 ballots •Assembly District 70, which spans Central Harlem and Manhattanville, where Mamdani beat Cuomo by more than 3,800 ballots •Assembly District 71, which spans Hamilton Heights and Washington Heights, where Mamdani beat Cuomo by more than 5,000 ballots •Assembly District 72, which spans Washington Heights and Inwood, where Mamdani beat Cuomo by more than 1,400 ballots Jerry Skurnik, a veteran New York political consultant specializing in voter turnout, said he believes two factors were behind the shift to Mamdani in those areas. First, many of the districts have had large influxes of younger, often progressive residents move in as the neighborhoods have gentrified. Many of those residents didn't vote at all in previous primaries. 'I think younger voters who did not vote either because they weren't old enough or didn't care enough [in 2021] came out to vote this year and they voted for Mamdani for the same reason young voters across the city did,' Skurnik said, referencing the excitement that developed during the campaign around Mamdani's left-wing agenda. But Skurnik said the data suggests longtime residents of the neighborhoods at hand have shited gears to support Mamdani, too. He told The News that's because affordability has become perhaps the most important issue on voters' minds, as rents remain historically high, while costs of other essentials, including groceries, have surged as well. Mamdani, in turn, pushed the most aggressive affordability platform in the race, Skurnik argued, pointing to his vows — which critics say are unrealistic — to freeze rent for stabilized tenants, make public buses free and drastically expand subsidized child care. 'The issue of affordability is more important to voters than crime was four years ago,' said Skurnik, referring to Adams' main 2021 talking point. Brooklyn Councilman Chi Osse, a progressive Mamdani campaign surrogate whose district overlaps with the 42nd and 56th Assembly Districts, said he believes Cuomo's Rose Garden-style campaign also hurt his standing in many of the neighborhoods that supported Adams in 2021. 'You had one candidate who was running a rigorous campaign, and on the other you had a former disgraced governor who was hiding from the community,' Osse said Wednesday. 'In addition to that, what Zohran did with this campaign is that he spoke to issues that this community really wants, and that's affordability and fighting against Trump.' The flip to Mamdani was perhaps most pronounced in Assembly District 56, which includes Adams' Brooklyn home. The district, which covers nearly all of Bed-Stuy, went to Adams in 2021 by a somewhat sizable margin, with the mayor clinching 8,974 votes compared to the 6,941 raked in by his closest competitor, Maya Wiley. By contrast, Mamdani is projected to trounce Cuomo in that district, raking in at least 15,436 ballots compared to the ex-gov's 5,110, the early returns show. Similar, but not quite as sweeping of a shift unfolded in uptown Manhattan, including in Assembly District 71, where Adams eeked out a victory in 2021, pulling in 6,231 votes compared to Wiley's 6,143. This time around, Mamdani is on track to beat Cuomo by at least a 5,000-ballot margin in the 71st. City Councilwoman Carmen de la Rosa, whose district ovelaps with the 71st, said the jump to Mamdani in her area was largely driven by energized young voters. 'But I also saw older people who traditionally would have voted Cuomo … When I was having that conversation with people, even the older, more traditional base kept saying to me, 'We need a change, this has not been working for us,'' she said. Mamdani's campaign didn't immediately return a request for comment Wednesday on the turnout trends. Though Mamdani's campaign team was ecstatic Tuesday night, there's a long road ahead to November's general election. Adams will run in the November contest as an independent, as will lawyer Jim Walden. Republican Curtis Sliwa will also be on the ballot, and Cuomo hasn't ruled out running as an independent in November, too. In interview on 'Fox & Friends' on Wednesday, Adams provided a taste of how he plans to campaign against Mamdani, arguing the key planks in his platform are impossible to achieve. 'He's a snake oil salesman,' Adams said. 'He will say and do anything to get elected.'

The Democratic Party Looks to New York for Answers
The Democratic Party Looks to New York for Answers

Atlantic

time40 minutes ago

  • Atlantic

The Democratic Party Looks to New York for Answers

After its demoralizing defeat in November, the Democratic Party has undertaken an agonizing, months-long self-autopsy to determine how it lost some of its core voters and how to move past an entrenched, older generation of leaders. Zohran Mamdani, the presumptive winner of yesterday's New York City mayoral primary, might provide some of the answers—to a point. Mamdani, a 33-year-old, relatively unknown state assemblyman, ran an invigorated, modern campaign while embracing progressive—and in some cases, socialist—ideas to upset former Governor Andrew Cuomo. He is now on the precipice of leading the nation's largest city. According to some Democrats, Mamdani—charismatic, tireless, optimistic, a master of social media—could be a new leader in a party that is desperate to move on from overly familiar faces. Republicans hope they're right. The GOP is eager to make Mamdani a national figure and hold up some of his ideas (city-run grocery stores! free buses!) as evidence that the Democrats are far to the left of the average voter. Michael Powell: The magical realism of Zohran Mamdani There are, of course, risks to drawing national lessons from a local primary election, particularly one in a city where Democrats make up almost two-thirds of the electorate. Moreover, Cuomo had singular, deep flaws and ran a listless campaign. The incumbent mayor, Eric Adams, wasn't on the ballot, relegated to an independent run after facing allegations of corruption and allying himself with President Donald Trump. But for Democrats desperate to make sense of why their party is so unpopular, Mamdani's win could at least provide a burst of energy, and a few ideas about how to move forward. Democrats have been consumed with questions about what went wrong a year ago. Why didn't more in the party realize that President Joe Biden was too old to win again? How did Trump make inroads with young voters and with the Black and brown voters who have been Democrats' bedrock for generations? How did Trump make gains in some of the nation's biggest and traditionally bluest cities? Did the party move too far to the left, or not far enough? And why was a billionaire ex-president promising tax cuts for the rich seen as the better bet than his opponent to lower prices for working- and middle-class Americans? Since Trump's return to Washington, Democrats have managed to rally around their opposition to Trump's tariffs, DOGE cuts, and hard-line immigration policies. But they have struggled to put forth a coherent positive vision, and to find the right messenger. Few looked to New York City for hope. The mayor's race at first seemed destined to be defined by Adams's scandals. When Cuomo made his entry into the race, many expected that his name recognition and his support from wealthy backers would give him an easy win over a series of well-meaning but uninspiring challengers. Cuomo positioned himself as someone who would stand up to Trump and urged voters to look past his own scandals—he resigned in 2021 after a series of sexual-harassment allegations, which he denied—and to recall instead his level-headed COVID briefings. Of all the candidates, he argued, only he had the management skills to revive a city that has just seemed off since the pandemic. But Cuomo ran a desultory campaign, limiting his exposure to reporters and, more important, to voters. His long-held ambivalence toward the city was evident, as were the rumors that he viewed Gracie Mansion merely as a stepping stone to higher office. He couldn't shake his humiliating exit as governor. A late endorsement from former President Bill Clinton only reinforced the notion that Cuomo represented an aging, tarnished generation of Democrats. 'Cuomo relied on older establishment endorsements that no longer hold weight in the city,' Christina Greer, an associate political-science professor at Fordham University, told me. 'Cuomo also underestimated the extent to which New York voters are tired of disgraced politicians using public office as their contingency plan for life.' (Bill de Blasio, the former New York City mayor who has feuded with Cuomo for years, told me that he ran a 'grim, fear-based campaign with no authentic big ideas.') David A. Graham: How voters lost their aversion to scandal To categorize Mamdani at the beginning of the race as an afterthought would have been an insult to afterthoughts. He has served not even five years in the state assembly, and has little of the experience generally thought needed to manage a civic workforce of more than 280,000 people and a budget of $115 billion. (The New York Times' editorial board deemed him unqualified for the job.) But Mamdani did have energy and charm, and no shortage of ideas that were quickly turned into easy-to-digest slogans such as 'Free buses' and 'Freeze the rent.' He relentlessly focused on affordability and economic issues, a welcome message in a city with an extraordinarily high cost of living and stark income stratification. Mamdani revealed himself to be remarkably adept at communicating his message, mastering social-media memes and delivering powerful speeches that evoked far more of Barack Obama's loft than Biden's whisper. He said yes to seemingly every interview and every podcast, tossing aside the caution traditionally preached by the focus-group-wielding political-consultant class. He tapped into liberal New Yorkers' anger over Gaza. He resonated with young people, including young men, who not only turned out for him but also volunteered for his campaign, creating an enthusiastic army of believers that created a noticeable contrast with Cuomo's support from donors, unions, and establishment figures. In the race's final days, a cheerful Mamdani walked the length of Manhattan, a metaphor for the tirelessness he brought to the race. 'The Democrats nationally need to start doing what Zohran just did. When we metaphorically sit at the kitchen table and empathize and offer passionate solutions, we win,' de Blasio told me. 'We didn't do that in 2024, and that was a big reason we lost.' Mamdani did what so many Democrats failed to do last fall: He excited new voters, focused on economic issues, and communicated his story well. And most of all, he won, including in racially and economically diverse neighborhoods. As of this writing, it appears that there will be no need to rely on multiple rounds in New York City's new ranked-choice voting system; although Mamdani did not crack the 50 percent threshold last night to win the nomination outright, he surpassed Cuomo by about eight points, and the former governor conceded. 'Mamdani created a movement around his candidacy, and the big lesson for Democrats is that young voters are looking for a larger social-political movement and not just an anti-Trump party,' Basil Smikle, a New York–based political strategist who has worked for Cuomo and Hillary Clinton, told me. 'His victory suggests there's a needed reformation of the Democratic coalition, and repudiation of incrementalism but also a more wholesale shift from establishment politics.' But the reverberations from Mamdani's candidacy aren't all reassuring ones for Democrats. Republicans have mocked his socialist ideas by evoking the barren supermarkets of the Soviet Union. They've seized on his previous calls to 'Defund the police' (Mamdani called for reducing the NYPD budget in 2020; he was the only candidate in the Democratic field this year to not pledge to hire more cops). A few Republicans have trotted out racist and Islamophobic stereotypes (Mamdani is of Ugandan-Indian descent and is Muslim). Some Democrats, too, are leery of Mamdani's call for new taxes on businesses and the rich, warning that such policies could lead to a wealth exodus from New York. Republicans have pointed to the sinking poll numbers of Chicago's progressive mayor, Brandon Johnson, as evidence that liberals can't govern. Last night, Vice President J. D. Vance posted on social media, 'Congratulations to the new leader of the Democratic Party,' tagging Mamdani. Trump today went one step further, posting that Mamdani was a '100% Communist Lunatic.' Mamdani's depiction of Israel's actions in Gaza as a genocide threatens to unnerve some members of the city's large and politically active Jewish population. Within hours of Mamdani's acceptance speech, Republican Representative Elise Stefanik of New York sent a fundraising appeal calling him a 'Hamas Terrorist sympathizer.' Mamdani has defended the pro-Palestinian slogan ' Globalize the intifada ' but has denied accusations that he is anti-Semitic. He has said that he supports an Israel that provides equal rights to all of its citizens, but he has repeatedly dodged questions about whether Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish state. Jonathan Chait: Why won't Zohran Mamdani denounce a dangerous slogan? 'Mamdani is a gift to Republicans. They will link every Democrat to his far-left policy proposals,' Susan Del Percio, a Republican strategist who worked in Rudy Giuliani's mayoral administration, told me. 'As mayor of New York City, every single thing he does will be held under a microscope by Democrats and Republicans alike. And some of these things are really out there.' When the mayoral race began, the conventional wisdom was that the Democratic primary would be the de facto general election. That is no longer quite the case. Before last night, Cuomo had previously signaled that if he lost the primary, he might run in November on another ballot line, believing that the glow around Mamdani might wear off with more time and scrutiny. (Those close to Cuomo think that an independent run, though possible, might now be less likely given the margin of his defeat this week.) And while the Republican nominee, the anti-crime activist and radio-show host Curtis Sliwa, seems to have little chance, Mamdani's win might open the door again for Adams; in a remarkable plot twist, the mayor has told associates that he can now position himself as the steadier choice to keep the job. A person close to Trump told me that the president might enjoy wading into the race in his former hometown and would consider endorsing Adams, though he might opt against it out of concern that it would hurt Adams more than help him. Still, the Democratic nominee will be considered the favorite. If Mamdani wins, there will be only so much that his fellow Democrats can learn from the specifics of the race, given New York's liberal tilt. But maybe there will be some lessons that are less about ideology and more about tactics—having energy, communicating clearly and frequently, and focusing on personal economic issues. 'I've already heard from some Democrats who worry that this guy is going to get us all labeled as socialists,' the Reverend Al Sharpton, the civil-rights leader and Democratic stalwart, told me. 'But he hit on something; he connected with something. Mamdani kept showing up. Democrats need to keep showing up.'

Republican Kat Cammack's Pregnancy Care Issues Blamed On The Left
Republican Kat Cammack's Pregnancy Care Issues Blamed On The Left

Buzz Feed

timean hour ago

  • Buzz Feed

Republican Kat Cammack's Pregnancy Care Issues Blamed On The Left

Republican Congressperson Kat Cammack is making headlines for blaming her doctors' reluctance to end her life-threatening pregnancy on Democrats. Yes, you read that correctly. In a new interview with the Wall Street Journal, Kat recalled experiencing an ectopic pregnancy last year, shortly after Florida's six-week abortion ban went into effect. She was about five weeks pregnant, the embryo had no heartbeat, and a doctor told her she could die. Even so, Kat says the hospital staff hesitated to expel the pregnancy as they were afraid of prosecution. She argued for hours and even tried calling Governor Ron DeSantis's office; in the end, they agreed to give her the shot of methotrexate she needed. In a remarkable display of cognitive dissonance, the lawmaker blamed liberal "fearmongering" for her issues at the hospital, suggesting the left's messaging around abortion bans ultimately made doctors paranoid (but apparently not the heavy consequences that come with breaking the abortion bans). The fall of Roe v. Wade paved the way for abortion bans and restrictions in states throughout the US, with disastrous consequences. According to the Center of Reproductive Rights, people are experiencing delayed or denied care because providers fear severe penalties. In Florida, doctors can face felony charges, five years in prison, and up to a $5K fine for performing the procedure. In Texas, it's even harsher, with doctors facing felony charges, life in prison, and a $100K fine. In both states, they can also lose their medical licenses. Amber Thurman. Josseli Barnica. Nevaeh Crain. These are the names of some of the women who've died in red states due to delayed care under abortion bans in recent years. I'm obviously not a doctor, but it seems like their deaths might've been prevented if not for the criminalization of abortion care. Amber's doctors waited 19 hours. Josseli's waited 40. Nevaeh visited the emergency room three times. To think that we had the knowledge and technology to save these women, but the doctors felt their hands were tied by the state. As a woman who lives in Texas, I'm always heartbroken by the news of any person dying due to the draconian abortion laws here. According to the Gender Equity Policy Institute, Texas has the highest number of maternal deaths in the US (and the rates are significantly worse for Black women). Before any conservatives ask if that's simply because Texas is the second-most populated state, California has the largest population but the lowest maternal mortality rate in the country. I wonder why. In addition to horrific loss of life, abortion bans have impacted healthcare in myriad other ways. Some OB-GYNs have left red states altogether. The number of med school graduates applying for OB-GYN residencies in states with abortion bans has decreased. Abortion bans are also worsening maternity care deserts. So, I struggle to sympathize with Kat Cammack. Instead of empathizing with all people who might want or need abortions, she remains a co-chair of the House Pro-Life Caucus. "How can that be?" you might ask. Well, in true Republican fashion, she decided that her situation was special. Kat told the Wall Street Journal, "There will be some comments like, 'Well, thank God we have abortion services,' even though what I went through wasn't an abortion." I don't care if she insists on calling the procedure any other name. The fact of the matter is Kat needed to end her pregnancy — just like so many other people do in this country, for any number of reasons — and an abortion ban interfered with her care. It's astounding to me that she's chosen to fight only for people "experiencing a miscarriage and an ectopic" like she did rather than criticizing the abortion bans themselves. Until she decides to fight for all people's abortion rights, I find her words as outrageous and reprehensible as this administration. Do better, Kat.

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