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What America is losing as President Trump fires independent government watchdogs

What America is losing as President Trump fires independent government watchdogs

CBS News09-03-2025

President Trump is casting aside those who might stand in his way and among the first to go were at least 20 leaders of federal offices that were created by Congress to hold administrations accountable. You may not know it but, after Watergate, Congress set up a system to audit the executive branch and ensure the rights of federal workers. Those offices became known as watchdogs. Congress has guarded their independence from politics so that no president can use these powerful auditors to punish enemies or hide their own fiascos. But now, for the first time in 44 years, President Trump has fired these officials en masse. One of them is Hampton Dellinger, who has a warning about what America is losing as it's firing the watchdogs.
Hampton Dellinger: Going forward you're always gonna have now a person in my position who's gonna be dependent on the President's good graces. That is not how Congress set up the position, that's not how it's been for the past 50 years. But that independence, that protection is gone.
Scott Pelley: And the message that sends to the watchdog agencies in general is what?
Hampton Dellinger: I don't think we have watchdog agencies anymore. The inspector generals are gone. The head of the Office of Government Ethics is gone. I'm gone. The independent watchdogs who are working on behalf of the American taxpayers, on behalf of military veterans, they've been pushed out.
Before Hampton Dellinger was pushed out, he was head of the Office of Special Counsel—no relation to the office of the same name that prosecuted President Trump. Dellinger's office is where federal workers can bring employment complaints. And where so called "whistleblowers," government employees, can report wrongdoing.
Scott Pelley: So if a person sees fraud, for example, in the Department of Defense, and they're afraid of telling their supervisor because they think there will be retaliation, they go to you?
Hampton Dellinger: They can. And that was a decision not by me, but by Congress, that employees in the Executive Branch who are seeing something going wrong inside of an agency need a safe place to go that's still in the Executive Branch but that is outside of the agency.
And it works. A recent report said whistleblowers helped Office of the Special Counsel find $110 million that was owed to veterans and uncovered the overprescription of opioids at a VA clinic.
Dellinger is a Democrat, appointed by President Biden and confirmed by the Senate.
Hampton Dellinger: My job though was not partisan at all. And my track record I will stand on as someone who has played it by the book. I'm not looking to promote a president's agenda or thwart it. I'm just trying to make sure the laws are followed.
Scott Pelley: And you filed cases against the Biden administration?
Hampton Dellinger: Time, and time, and time again.
Dellinger's present term was supposed to run into 2029.
Scott Pelley: What was the first moment that you learned that you had been fired?
Hampton Dellinger: A Friday evening, when I got an email from someone I didn't know purporting to be with the White House who said, "You've been terminated. Thank you for your service." And, of course, that email is just flatly inconsistent with the law, which says I can only be terminated for a very good reason. They didn't have a very good reason. They had no reason.
Scott Pelley: Nothing?
Hampton Dellinger: Nothing.
The law says there has to be a reason, specifically one of three, neglect, inefficiency or malfeasance. The termination email said none of that. So, Dellinger sued to keep his job.
Hampton Dellinger: I think every American respects the presidency. But I knew that this order, this directive, was unlawful. And ultimately we are a nation of laws. The only reason we have a president is because we have a supreme rule book, the United States Constitution. So as much as we all want the president to succeed it's gotta be within the framework of the law.
But the law may have been ignored just four days into Trump's term when he fired 17 inspectors general, all at once, without cause. The inspectors general or "IGs" for short, were auditors of top departments including defense, veterans affairs, and foreign aid at the U.S. Agency for International Development. Paul Martin was inspector general there.
Paul Martin: Over the years and over the decades, we've been independent, apolitical, nonpartisan watchdogs in our agency with the goal of improving the functioning of that agency, to save money, and to look out for the taxpayers.
Martin policed billions in foreign aid spending. Trump shut down USAID early and in haste. In the chaos of mass firings emergency aid stopped moving. So, Martin did his job, writing an alert that warned that half a billion dollars in food aid might spoil or be stolen.
Paul Martin: We issued the alert on a Monday. On Tuesday, I was terminated.
Scott Pelley: What did that tell you?
Paul Martin: That someone read our report.
Scott Pelley: Have you ever been fired by a president before?
Paul Martin: I have not been fired by a president before.
Scott Pelley: But some people watching these events say, "Doesn't the president always bring in his own team?"
Paul Martin: He may bring his own team in, but there's been an agreement between Congress and administrations over the last 45 years that inspector generals are different. They're chosen to be apolitical, nonpartisan oversight officials in each government agency. And that has been respected from administration to administration.
Paul Martin started in IG offices 25 years ago under Bill Clinton. He was inspector general for NASA in Trump's first term and then Biden's.
Paul Martin: I have worked over more than six presidents, and I have never had a concern that issuing an audit or an investigation even with what would be perceived as negative findings could impact my employment.
Scott Pelley: In these first weeks of the Trump Administration what is happening to these oversight offices?
Andrew Bakaj: They're being dismantled and effectively being destroyed.
Andrew Bakaj is a former CIA officer and a lawyer who has written federal regulations protecting whistleblowers.
David Kligerman: Now it feels like an intentional dismantling. They are going after the things that somebody who knows how to dismantle the system goes after and that's maybe perhaps the scariest part.
David Kligerman is a former State Department attorney. Together, they represent whistleblowers for the nonprofit group Whistleblower Aid. Whistleblower Aid represented a client in the first Trump impeachment.
Scott Pelley: What is the purpose of firing a Hampton Dellinger or the inspectors general?
Andrew Bakaj: It's, in my opinion, to prevent the truth from coming out. The entire purpose of having a Hampton Dellinger or the IG system is to ensure that there's transparency within government.
David Kligerman: This is removing the umpires. This is just taking the umpires out of the game. There's no place to go. If you can't go to the Special Counsel or they effectively neuter it, then there's nowhere for you to go. This is a very, very big deal.
But not a big deal according to the president. He told reporters on Air Force One that firing the watchdogs is—quote— "a very standard thing to do." He's wrong. No president has fired the heads of the watchdog offices, en masse, in 44 years—that was Reagan when the offices were brand new—and he rehired a third of them.
Scott Pelley: And the reason you were given for being fired was what?
Cathy Harris: Oh, no reason. The president gave no reason.
Why fire Cathy Harris? Possibly because she's on the federal board that hears appeals of fired federal workers-- the very people the Trump administration has been laying off by the tens of thousands. If she left, their avenue of appeal could be blocked at least temporarily. Harris is also fighting for her own job. For now, a judge has reinstated her.
Cathy Harris: I swore an oath to the Constitution when I took this job that I would fulfill my term through March 2028. And I believe very deeply in the civil service and in public service. And I just couldn't look myself in the mirror and walk away from this. I'm here to fight.
Cathy Harris fights for fired workers, often after receiving theircases from the office of Hampton Dellinger. In his final days on the job, Dellinger worked to restore employment of workers whom, he says, were fired by Trump, illegally.
Hampton Dellinger: So much is lost. You're losing talent. You're losing experience. You're losing integrity. You're losing tens of thousands of military veterans who served our country in uniform, who put their lives on the line for America, and who came back enjoying the federal civilian work force. But putting aside all the losses, at the end of the day, it has to be done the right way. If you're gonna fire federal employees, you've gotta do it lawfully. And that's my concern, that these mass firings aren't necessarily in accordance with the law.
In February, Dellinger took on the case of 5,000 fired employees of the Agriculture Department. He passed their case to Cathy Harris and her appeals board. Harris stopped the firing, at least temporarily. The Trump administration is still in court to get Harris removed.
Cathy Harris: But you've gotta be able to be in this job and do what it takes to uphold the law and not be afraid. Not be afraid you're gonna be fired at any moment if you make a decision that somebody doesn't like.
Paul Martin: I think the message to inspector generals is that the oversight of these programs, particularly if they're negative findings, is not welcome anymore.
A message loud and clear now, according to former USAID inspector general Paul Martin.
Paul Martin: It's not welcome in the administration, this administration, and it's not welcome in this current Congress.
Scott Pelley: What should Congress be doing?
Paul Martin: Congress created the inspector generals and relied on, for the past 45 years, their findings, and their audits, and investigations to conduct aggressive oversight of any administration's programs. Since the firing of the inspector generals, there has been a deafening silence in Congress as far as pushing back.
Scott Pelley: Why are they not speaking?
Paul Martin: Unclear.
Martin worries that independence lost, might never be regained.
Paul Martin: I'm afraid that we've moved on to-- an era in which every administration will come in and assume that they're going to replace all the inspector generals with people of their choice, that the secretary of treasury or the attorney general will get to pick his or her inspector general. And that will turn the independent IG system on its head.
Scott Pelley: If your office is beholden to the president, what is lost?
Hampton Dellinger: Independence, accountability, a safe place for federal government employee whistleblowers to come to and know that they'll be respected and protected. That's gone.
Other watchdogs are suing to challenge the president's power but Hampton Dellinger is ou t. Last week, an order from an appeals court removed him. He told us that taking his fight to the Supreme Court would take months or a year—and by then his whistleblower office would be devastated.
Scott Pelley: The Trump administration argued to the court that it needed to, quote, "Put an end to Dellinger's rogue use of executive authority over the President's objections." What's your response to that?
Hampton Dellinger: If wanting the rules to be followed is the new definition of going rogue, then call me by that name. I don't think I was going rogue. I think I was being a good American who believes in the rule of law. That's all I was trying to do is make sure the laws are being followed.

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Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know
Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know

San Francisco Chronicle​

time20 minutes ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israel is supporting armed groups of Palestinians in Gaza in what it says is a move to counter Hamas. But officials from the U.N. and aid organizations say the military is allowing them to loot food and other supplies from their trucks. One self-styled militia, which calls itself the Popular Forces, led by Yasser Abu Shabab, says it is guarding newly created, Israeli-backed food distribution centers in southern Gaza. Aid workers say it has a long history of looting U.N. trucks. Gaza's armed groups have ties to powerful clans or extended families and often operate as criminal gangs. Aid workers allege Israel's backing of the groups is part of a wider effort to control all aid operations in the strip. Israel denies allowing looters to operate in areas it controls. Here's what we know about anti-Hamas armed groups in Gaza: Who are these groups? Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a social media video Thursday that Israel had 'activated' clans in Gaza to oppose Hamas. He didn't elaborate how Israel is supporting them or what role Israel wants them to play. Netanyahu's comments were in response to a political opponent accusing him of arming 'crime families' in Gaza. Clans, tribes and extended families have strong influence in Gaza, where their leaders often help mediate disputes. Some have long been armed to protect their group's interests, and some have morphed into gangs involved in smuggling drugs or running protection rackets. After seizing power in 2007, Hamas clamped down on Gaza's gangs -- sometimes with brute force and sometimes by steering perks their way. But with Hamas' weakening power after 20 months of war with Israel, gangs have regained freedom to act. The leadership of a number of clans — including the clan from which the Abu Shabab group's members hail — have issued statements denouncing looting and cooperation with Israel. A self-proclaimed 'nationalist force' The Abu Shabab group went public in early May, declaring itself a 'nationalist force.' It said it was protecting aid, including around the food distribution hubs run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a mainly American private contractor that Israel intends to replace the U.N.-led aid network. Aid workers and Palestinians who know the group estimate it has several hundred fighters. The Abu Shabab group's media office told The Associated Press it was collaborating with GHF 'to ensure that the food and medicine reaches its beneficiaries.' It said it was not involved in distribution, but that its fighters secured the surroundings of distribution centers run by GHF inside military-controlled zones in the Rafah area. A spokesperson with GHF said it had 'no collaboration' with Abu Shabab. 'We do have local Palestinian workers we are very proud of, but none is armed, and they do not belong to Abu Shabab's organization,' the spokesperson said, speaking on condition of anonymity in accordance with the group's rules. Before the war, Yasser Abu Shabab was involved in smuggling cigarettes and drugs from Egypt and Israel into Gaza through crossings and tunnels, according to two members of his extended family, one of whom was once part of his group. Hamas arrested Abu Shabab but freed him from prison along with most other inmates when the war began in October 2023, they said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals. Abu Shabab's media office said he was summoned by police before the war but wasn't officially accused or tried. It also said claims the group was involved in attacking aid trucks were 'exaggerated,' saying its fighters 'took the minimum amount of food and water necessary.' The head of the association in Gaza that provides trucks and drivers for aid groups said their members' vehicles have been attacked many times by Abu Shabab's fighters. Nahed Sheheiber said the group has been active in Israeli-controlled eastern parts of Rafah and Khan Younis, targeting trucks as they enter Gaza from the Kerem Shalom crossing with Israel. Troops nearby 'did nothing' to stop attacks, he said. Sheheiber said that when Hamas policemen have tried to confront gangs or guard truck convoys, they were attacked by Israeli troops. One driver, Issam Abu Awda, told the AP he was attacked by Abu Shabab fighters last July. The fighters stopped his truck, blindfolded and handcuffed him and his assistant, then loaded the supplies off the vehicle, he said. Abu Awda said nearby Israeli troops didn't intervene. These kinds of attacks are still happening and highlight 'a disturbing pattern,' according to Jonathan Whittall, from the U.N. humanitarian coordinator, OCHA. 'Those who have blocked and violently ransacked aid trucks seem to have been protected' by Israeli forces, said Whittall, head of OCHA's office for the occupied Palestinian territories. And, he added, they have now become the 'protectors of the goods being distributed through Israel's new militarized hubs,' referring to the GHF-run sites. The Israeli military did not reply when asked for comment on allegations it has allowed armed groups to loot trucks. But the Israeli prime minister's office called the accusations 'fake news,' saying, 'Israel didn't allow looters to operate in Israeli controlled areas.' Israel often accuses Hamas of stealing from trucks. What does all this have to do with aid? Muhammad Shehada, a political analyst from Gaza who is a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said he doesn't believe Israel's support for armed groups is aimed at directly fighting Hamas. So far there has been no attempt to deploy the groups against the militants. Instead, he said, Israel is using the gangs and the looting to present GHF 'as the only alternative to provide food to Palestinians,' since its supplies get in while the U.N.'s don't. Israel wants the GHF to replace the U.N.-led aid system because it claims Hamas has been siphoning off large amounts of supplies. The U.N. denies that significant amounts have been taken by Hamas. Israel has also said it aims to move all Palestinians in Gaza to a 'sterile zone' in the south, around the food hubs, while it fights Hamas elsewhere. The U.N. and aid groups have rejected that as using food as a tool for forced displacement. The Abu Shabab group has issued videos online urging Palestinians to move to tent camps in Rafah. Israel barred all food and other supplies from entering Gaza for 2 ½ months , pending the start of GHF – a blockade that has brought the population to the brink of famine. GHF started distributing food boxes on May 26 at three hubs guarded by private contractors inside Israeli military zones. Israel has let in some trucks of aid for the U.N. to distribute. But the U.N. says it has been able to get little of it into the hands of Palestinians because of Israeli military restrictions, including requiring its trucks to use roads where looters are known to operate. 'It's Israel's way of telling the U.N., if you want to try to bring aid into Gaza, good luck with this," said Shehada. "We will force you to go through a road where everything you brought will be looted.' Magdy and Keath reported from Cairo

Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know
Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know

Hamilton Spectator

time23 minutes ago

  • Hamilton Spectator

Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israel is supporting armed groups of Palestinians in Gaza in what it says is a move to counter Hamas. But officials from the U.N. and aid organizations say the military is allowing them to loot food and other supplies from their trucks. One self-styled militia, which calls itself the Popular Forces, led by Yasser Abu Shabab, says it is guarding newly created, Israeli-backed food distribution centers in southern Gaza. Aid workers say it has a long history of looting U.N. trucks. Gaza's armed groups have ties to powerful clans or extended families and often operate as criminal gangs. Aid workers allege Israel's backing of the groups is part of a wider effort to control all aid operations in the strip. Israel denies allowing looters to operate in areas it controls. Here's what we know about anti-Hamas armed groups in Gaza: Who are these groups? Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a social media video Thursday that Israel had 'activated' clans in Gaza to oppose Hamas. He didn't elaborate how Israel is supporting them or what role Israel wants them to play. Netanyahu's comments were in response to a political opponent accusing him of arming 'crime families' in Gaza. Clans, tribes and extended families have strong influence in Gaza, where their leaders often help mediate disputes. Some have long been armed to protect their group's interests, and some have morphed into gangs involved in smuggling drugs or running protection rackets. After seizing power in 2007, Hamas clamped down on Gaza's gangs — sometimes with brute force and sometimes by steering perks their way. But with Hamas' weakening power after 20 months of war with Israel, gangs have regained freedom to act. The leadership of a number of clans — including the clan from which the Abu Shabab group's members hail — have issued statements denouncing looting and cooperation with Israel. A self-proclaimed 'nationalist force' Besides the Abu Shabab group, it is not known how many armed groups Israel is supporting. The Abu Shabab group went public in early May, declaring itself a 'nationalist force.' It said it was protecting aid, including around the food distribution hubs run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation , a mainly American private contractor that Israel intends to replace the U.N.-led aid network. Aid workers and Palestinians who know the group estimate it has several hundred fighters. The Abu Shabab group's media office told The Associated Press it was collaborating with GHF 'to ensure that the food and medicine reaches its beneficiaries.' It said it was not involved in distribution, but that its fighters secured the surroundings of distribution centers run by GHF inside military-controlled zones in the Rafah area. A spokesperson with GHF said it had 'no collaboration' with Abu Shabab. 'We do have local Palestinian workers we are very proud of, but none is armed, and they do not belong to Abu Shabab's organization,' the spokesperson said, speaking on condition of anonymity in accordance with the group's rules. Before the war, Yasser Abu Shabab was involved in smuggling cigarettes and drugs from Egypt and Israel into Gaza through crossings and tunnels, according to two members of his extended family, one of whom was once part of his group. Hamas arrested Abu Shabab but freed him from prison along with most other inmates when the war began in October 2023, they said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals. Abu Shabab's media office said he was summoned by police before the war but wasn't officially accused or tried. It also said claims the group was involved in attacking aid trucks were 'exaggerated,' saying its fighters 'took the minimum amount of food and water necessary.' Aid workers say it is notorious for looting The head of the association in Gaza that provides trucks and drivers for aid groups said their members' vehicles have been attacked many times by Abu Shabab's fighters. Nahed Sheheiber said the group has been active in Israeli-controlled eastern parts of Rafah and Khan Younis, targeting trucks as they enter Gaza from the Kerem Shalom crossing with Israel. Troops nearby 'did nothing' to stop attacks, he said. Sheheiber said that when Hamas policemen have tried to confront gangs or guard truck convoys, they were attacked by Israeli troops. One driver, Issam Abu Awda, told the AP he was attacked by Abu Shabab fighters last July. The fighters stopped his truck, blindfolded and handcuffed him and his assistant, then loaded the supplies off the vehicle, he said. Abu Awda said nearby Israeli troops didn't intervene. These kinds of attacks are still happening and highlight 'a disturbing pattern,' according to Jonathan Whittall, from the U.N. humanitarian coordinator, OCHA. 'Those who have blocked and violently ransacked aid trucks seem to have been protected' by Israeli forces, said Whittall, head of OCHA's office for the occupied Palestinian territories. And, he added, they have now become the 'protectors of the goods being distributed through Israel's new militarized hubs,' referring to the GHF-run sites. The Israeli military did not reply when asked for comment on allegations it has allowed armed groups to loot trucks. But the Israeli prime minister's office called the accusations 'fake news,' saying, 'Israel didn't allow looters to operate in Israeli controlled areas.' Israel often accuses Hamas of stealing from trucks. What does all this have to do with aid? Muhammad Shehada, a political analyst from Gaza who is a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said he doesn't believe Israel's support for armed groups is aimed at directly fighting Hamas. So far there has been no attempt to deploy the groups against the militants. Instead, he said, Israel is using the gangs and the looting to present GHF 'as the only alternative to provide food to Palestinians,' since its supplies get in while the U.N.'s don't. Israel wants the GHF to replace the U.N.-led aid system because it claims Hamas has been siphoning off large amounts of supplies. The U.N. denies that significant amounts have been taken by Hamas. Israel has also said it aims to move all Palestinians in Gaza to a 'sterile zone' in the south, around the food hubs, while it fights Hamas elsewhere. The U.N. and aid groups have rejected that as using food as a tool for forced displacement. The Abu Shabab group has issued videos online urging Palestinians to move to tent camps in Rafah. Israel barred all food and other supplies from entering Gaza for 2 1/2 months , pending the start of GHF – a blockade that has brought the population to the brink of famine. GHF started distributing food boxes on May 26 at three hubs guarded by private contractors inside Israeli military zones. Israel has let in some trucks of aid for the U.N. to distribute. But the U.N. says it has been able to get little of it into the hands of Palestinians because of Israeli military restrictions, including requiring its trucks to use roads where looters are known to operate. 'It's Israel's way of telling the U.N., if you want to try to bring aid into Gaza, good luck with this,' said Shehada. 'We will force you to go through a road where everything you brought will be looted.' ___ Magdy and Keath reported from Cairo Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .

Trump has rejected police reform. States and localities must take the lead.
Trump has rejected police reform. States and localities must take the lead.

The Hill

time36 minutes ago

  • The Hill

Trump has rejected police reform. States and localities must take the lead.

Five years after a Minneapolis police officer brutally murdered a handcuffed George Floyd by kneeling on his neck for over nine minutes, prompting worldwide protests against wrongful police killings of Black people, the Trump administration has taken a giant step back from police reform. The Justice Department announced in May that it is abandoning agreements reached with police departments in Minneapolis and Louisville, Ky., mandating reforms designed to reduce killings, brutality and other police misconduct. The Justice Department is conducting a review to determine if it should drop similar agreements with about a dozen other police departments. On top of this, the Justice Department will end civil rights investigations of alleged criminal conduct by the Louisiana State Police and police departments in Memphis, Mount Vernon, N.Y., Oklahoma City, Phoenix and Trenton, N.J. Thankfully, Minneapolis officials announced that they will abide by their agreement, known as a consent decree, reached with the Justice Department in the closing days of the Biden presidency. But it is absurd to depend on police departments to police themselves. The federal government has a duty to protect people from police who engage in criminal conduct. The dangerous pullback by the Justice Department is likely to result in more wrongful deaths at the hands of police — particularly of Black people and members of other minority groups. A nationwide count by the Washington Post of deadly shootings by police from 2015 through 2024 found that Black people 'are killed by police at more than twice the rate' of white people in America. The number of non-Hispanic whites killed by police was 4,657, compared with 2,484 Black people. Because only 14 percent of the American population is Black, the number of people killed by police annually averaged 6.1 per million of the Black population, compared with 2.5 per million of the white population. There are, of course, times when police must use deadly force to prevent the killing of others. But this wasn't the case with Floyd and many others killed by police. Floyd, who was unarmed, was only suspected of using a counterfeit $20 bill to buy cigarettes. As a Black man like Floyd, I have experienced the unfair and harsh treatment some officers give to people who look like us. I've been stopped on the road and detained in front of my home by police several times when doing nothing wrong. I've been ordered out of my home and car to lay on the ground, had guns pointed at me, been handcuffed and been threatened with arrest. I don't think I would be treated this way were it not for the color of my skin. Most police officers never beat, shoot or kill anyone. They risk their lives to keep us safe and deserve our gratitude. But it is naive to believe that officers can do no wrong, that we live in a colorblind society or that there is no such thing as systemic racism. In the wake of the Trump administration's rejection of its duty to protect us all from police misconduct, the job of implementing needed reforms must go to state and local governments that oversee police agencies. Here are some actions they should take. Increase police funding to implement reforms: After Floyd's murder, some progressives adopted the slogan 'defund the police.' That was a mistake. Police departments need more federal, state and local government funding to better train and pay officers and to put more officers on the street to do police work the right way. More funding will make it less likely that police engage in the kind of unlawful violence that killed Floyd and too many others. Polling by CBS in 2022 found only 9 percent of Americans believed providing less funding for police would help prevent violent crime, while 49 percent said more funding for police would do so. A Gallup poll the same year found 89 percent of Americans believed minor or major changes were needed to improve policing — including 87 percent of whites, 90 percent of Hispanics and 95 percent of Blacks. Focus on preventing crime, not just crime response: Putting more cops on the street and having them get out of their patrol cars to build relationships with people and businesses helps officers gather intelligence about bad actors. The increased presence of officers in communities will prevent crime. This is an expensive but necessary step if we are serious about police reform. Independently investigate alleged misconduct: Rather than relying on police departments to police themselves and investigate officers accused of misconduct, states and localities should set up independent commissions to objectively conduct such investigations. Reward good cops and punish bad ones: Officers who report misconduct by colleagues should be rewarded financially and with promotions, while officers acting improperly should be disciplined, including with firing and prosecution when they commit crimes. A national database of fired officers should be established so bad cops can't get hired by departments in other localities. Increase police pay and education requirements: Raising police pay will make it easier to attract well-qualified job applicants. Departments should require every new hire to have at least two years of college and eventually a four-year degree. A 2017 national survey found that about 52 percent of officers had two-year college degrees, about 30 percent had four-year degrees and about 5 percent had graduate degrees. Governing Magazine reported in 2023 that 'research suggests that officers with college degrees generate fewer substantiated complaints and … are less likely to shoot or kill members of the public.' Increase screening of police recruits and veteran officers: Use psychological tests and in-depth interviews to identify those unsuitable for police work because they are too eager to use violence — especially if they feel threatened — or too prejudiced against certain groups. Increase officer training: Better training will make officers better able to do their jobs without resorting to deadly force. This should include training in psychology and mental health to assist officers in dealing with people experiencing a mental health crisis. Alternatively, set up a division of mental health police officers to address incidents where drugs or mental issues are the source of bad conduct. 'One in five fatal police shooting victims may have been experiencing a mental health crisis … at the time of their death,' a federal study of 633 deadly police shootings concluded. These recommendations are all common sense and promote justice and public safety. With the Trump administration abandoning its responsibility to investigate police misconduct and demand reforms, the job passes to state and local governments. Doing so would be a fitting tribute to George Floyd and the many others wrongfully killed by police. A. Scott Bolden is an attorney, former New York state prosecutor, NewsNation contributor and former chair of the Washington, D.C. Democratic Party.

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