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US aid cuts risk riots, breakouts at Islamic State-linked camps in Syria

US aid cuts risk riots, breakouts at Islamic State-linked camps in Syria

Reuters14-02-2025

Feb 14 (Reuters) - Moves by President Donald Trump's administration to cut U.S. foreign aid funding risk destabilising two camps in northeastern Syria holding tens of thousands of people accused of affiliation with the Islamic State, aid officials, local authorities and diplomats say.
The seven sources told Reuters Washington's funding freezes and staff changes had already disrupted some aid distribution and services in Al-Hol and Roj, which host people who fled cities where IS was making its last stand between 2017-2019.
They are "closed camps," meaning residents were not detained or charged as IS fighters but cannot independently leave the camps because of suspicions that they are affiliated with or support the ultra-conservative group.
Aid workers and camp officials - led by the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-led force that helps run a semi-autonomous zone in northeastern Syria - have long called for the repatriation of camp residents, among them thousands of foreigners including Westerners.
But the rapid changes to U.S. funding streams have prompted contingency plans for the spread of disease, riots or IS attempts to retrieve residents they see as unlawfully detained, two senior humanitarian sources and a Roj resident said, requesting anonymity.
The humanitarian workers were not authorised to speak to media and the Roj camp resident has an unauthorised phone, which was used to speak to Reuters.
"If there's no unfreezing then everything except the camp guards stop. We're expecting mass rioting, breakout attempts. IS will come for the people they've wanted to come for," one of the senior humanitarian sources said.
Kurdish authorities in the northeast told Reuters last month they expected breakout attempts at detention centres holding IS fighters, and have refused handing control of them to the new Islamist-run transitional government in Damascus.
The anticipated violence adds to the complex security challenges in Syria, where Islamist rebels installed the transitional government after toppling Bashar al-Assad and are holding talks with authorities in the northeast to bring all security forces under Damascus's control.
ISLAMIC STATE 'CAN BENEFIT'
Sheikhmous Ahmed, head of camps and displaced persons in the autonomous administration of northeast Syria, said U.S.-funded organisations had been crucial in "covering the existing gaps" in basic service provision in the camps.
But if funding halts altogether, IS affiliates "can benefit from these existing gaps and lack of support," he said.
At least one of the organisations operating in the two camps, aid contractor Blumont, has received waivers allowing it to keep operating, said a Blumont official who requested anonymity and al-Hol director Jihan Hanan.
The waiver would last throughout the 90 days the Trump administration said it would use to review expenditures by the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), which distributes billions of dollars of humanitarian aid around the world.
The organisation has had to shutter other USAID-funded humanitarian and management services at about 100 unofficial "collective centres" for other displaced people, the Blumont official said.
The official said Blumont was trying to keep up daily bread deliveries to 135,000 people in al-Hol, Roj and the other centres but that it was unclear how long they could continue.
The Roj resident said camp management had told residents to ration their food "because it will be our last in a while" and that other camp services had started being wound down because of a lack of funding from the U.S.
Asked whether that could prompt instability at the camps, the resident said it was likely they would see "more chaos" and frustration from the displaced living there.
U.S. TOP FUNDER
Other NGOs sought similar waivers but have not heard back from the State Department and are struggling to secure funds from other donor countries, one senior humanitarian official said.
"Realistically, no one can afford to do what the U.S. was doing. U.S. funding was 10 times the number two in line," the official said.
The U.S. spent $460 million on humanitarian aid in Syria in 2024, according to the U.S. government's foreign assistance dashboard. It did not say how much of it went to the northeast.
On Wednesday, acting U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Dorothy Shea told the U.N. Security Council that U.S. aid to al-Hol and Roj camps "cannot last forever."
She said the U.S. had shouldered too much of the financial burden for too long and urged countries to "repatriate their displaced and detained nationals who remain in the region."
Camp authorities began organising large-scale returns from the camps in January because of the change of government in Syria, said Hanan, al-Hol camp manager.
More than 2,300 Iraqis have been repatriated from al-Hol this year, she said.
The U.S. has about 900 troops deployed in Syria - most of them in the northeast - to help prevent an IS resurgence after conducting airstrikes and deploying U.S. special forces to help the SDF defeat IS.
In 2018, during his first presidential term, Trump announced he wanted to withdraw U.S. troops from Syria but the plan was softened within a year.
NBC News reported this month that the Pentagon was developing plans for a U.S. troop pull-out from Syria after Trump expressed interest in revisiting the idea.
The SDF said it was not aware of such plans. Aid officials said a pull-out would make all their operations unsustainable.

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'Los Angeles is just the start: a big, beautiful civil war is coming to America'
'Los Angeles is just the start: a big, beautiful civil war is coming to America'

Daily Mirror

timean hour ago

  • Daily Mirror

'Los Angeles is just the start: a big, beautiful civil war is coming to America'

It was a hot wet day in June as the tear gas rained upon the land of the free. Peaceful protesters, live streamers, and the ready-to-be-angry were pepper-sprayed. Those two most dangerous foes of tyranny, innocent bystanders and journalists, were fired upon with rubber bullets and stun grenades. And America is such a great nation this was considered a mercy, as these snub-nosed 'non-lethal rounds' 4cm wide and 10cm long, tear flesh apart and usually stop before they reach an organ, rather than pierce with the deadly certainty of a 9mm hollowpoint. This was a rebellion against the rule of law. This was a reminder of obedience to the US Constitution, and to the mandate of a general election in a country that has been a democratic beacon to the world. But Donald Trump was having none of it, and sent the National Guard to begin his second insurrection for him. There were Highway Patrol troops with gas masks and truncheons. There were immigration officials with military fatigues and guns. There were horses to trample with their hooves. And they were sent to calm down people who had committed no crime except to be frightened. It did not, and will not, work. Nor is it supposed to. It had begun perfectly, with immigration raids in a borough that is 80% Hispanic in a Democrat city in a Democrat state. The officers came armed not with laptops or paperwork, but in body armour and clinging to the side of an armoured vehicle of the sort last seen taking an RPG outside the Nakatomi Plaza. They went to Home Depot, a doughnut shop, a clothes factory, and a warehouse. They did not find it necessary to take the police with them, for in America visa officials have the power to arrest, prosecute and shoot whoever they please. They lined up and arrested 44 people, and took them to a detention centre, where statistics show they are likely to be deported within hours, without due process, without a lawyer, and without any good reason beyond having been openly Hispanic. A few dozen people appeared outside the centre with placards. Activists shared details of sightings of the immigration officials, which wasn't difficult because camouflage paint doesn't really hide tanks in an urban setting. Graffiti was sprayed, loudhailers were wielded, and in an act of what must have involved great strength and determination, some of the militarised run-flat tyres got slashed. The President, who was watching closely, decided this was "insurrection". Well, he would know. He sent in National Guard troops to quell the rebellion even though no parliamentary property had been stormed, no police officers killed, and no-one had dressed up as a bison, which is the universally-accepted sign of S*** Going Down. The troops did not ask why their President, 2,6669 miles away, had decided his government was under more threat from a few dozen activists than, say, the government had been when 2,000 people tried to get their hands around Mike Pence's throat while he was counting votes. The portly little sheriff, the desk-jockey from the suburban precinct, and the beat cop were not about to let a chance to play with the hand-me-down military equipment go to waste. The protests grew to several hundred people. Young men grabbed rocks and flags, enlivened by the chance to get one in Goliath's eye. Cop cars were torched, and suddenly there were people sat on the ground with banners and people stood at the back chucking rocks, and the police said hang it let's just shoot 'em all. 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Southern Baptists target porn, sports betting, same-sex marriage and 'willful childlessness'
Southern Baptists target porn, sports betting, same-sex marriage and 'willful childlessness'

The Independent

timean hour ago

  • The Independent

Southern Baptists target porn, sports betting, same-sex marriage and 'willful childlessness'

Southern Baptists meeting this week in Dallas will be asked to approve resolutions calling for a legal ban on pornography and a reversal of the U.S. Supreme Court's approval of same-sex marriage. The proposed resolutions call for laws on gender, marriage and family based on what they say is the biblically stated order of divine creation. They also call for legislators to curtail sports betting and to support policies that promote childbearing. The Southern Baptist Convention, the nation's largest Protestant denomination, is also expected to debate controversies within its own house during its annual meeting Tuesday and Wednesday — such as a proposed ban on churches with women pastors. There are also calls to defund the organization's public policy arm, whose anti-abortion stance hasn't extended to supporting criminal charges for women having abortions. In a denomination where support for President Donald Trump is strong, there is little on the advance agenda referencing specific actions by Trump since taking office in January in areas such as tariffs, immigration or the pending budget bill containing cuts in taxes, food aid and Medicaid. Remnants of the epic showdown in Dallas 40 years ago Southern Baptists will be meeting on the 40th anniversary of another Dallas annual meeting. An epic showdown took place when a record-shattering 45,000 church representatives clashed in what became a decisive blow in the takeover of the convention — and its seminaries and other agencies — by a more conservative faction that was also aligned with the growing Christian conservative movement in presidential politics. The 1985 showdown was 'the hinge convention in terms of the old and the new in the SBC,' said Albert Mohler, who became a key agent in the denomination's rightward shift as longtime president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky. Attendance this week will likely be a fraction of 1985's, but that meeting's influence will be evident. Any debates will be among solidly conservative members. Many of the proposed resolutions — on gambling, pornography, sex, gender and marriage — reflect long-standing positions of the convention, though they are especially pointed in their demands on the wider political world. They are proposed by the official Committee on Resolutions, whose recommendations typically get strong support. A proposed resolution says legislators have a duty to 'pass laws that reflect the truth of creation and natural law — about marriage, sex, human life, and family' and to oppose laws contradicting 'what God has made plain through nature and Scripture.' To some outside observers, such language is theocratic. 'When you talk about God's design for anything, there's not a lot of room for compromise,' said Nancy Ammerman, professor emerita of sociology of religion at Boston University. She was an eyewitness to the Dallas meeting and author of 'Baptist Battles,' a history of the 1980s controversy between theological conservatives and moderates. 'There's not a lot of room for people who don't have the same understanding of who God is and how God operates in the world," she said. Mohler said the resolutions reflect a divinely created order that predates the writing of the Scriptures and is affirmed by them. He said the Christian church has always asserted that the created order 'is binding on all persons, in all times, everywhere.' Southern Baptist views more politically viable today Separate resolutions decry pornography and sports betting as destructive, calling for the former to be banned and the latter curtailed. At least some of these political stances are in the realm of plausibility at a time when their conservative allies control all levers of power in Washington and many have embraced aspects of a Christian nationalist agenda. A Southern Baptist, Mike Johnson, is speaker of the House of Representatives and third in line to the presidency. At least one Supreme Court justice, Clarence Thomas, has called for revisiting the 2015 Supreme Court decision legalizing same-sex marriage nationwide. Other religious conservatives — including some in the Catholic postliberal movement, which has influenced Vice President JD Vance — have promoted the view that a robust government should legislate morality, such as banning pornography while easing church-state separation. And conservatives of various stripes have echoed one of the resolution's call for pro-natalist policies and its decrying of 'willful childlessness which contributes to a declining fertility rate.' Some call for eliminating Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission Some preconvention talk has focused on defunding the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, the Southern Baptist Convention's public policy arm, which has been accused of being ineffective. Ten former Southern Baptist presidents endorsed its continued funding, though one other called for the opposite. A staunchly conservative group, the Center for Baptist Leadership, has posted online articles critical of the commission, which is adamantly anti-abortion but has opposed state laws criminalizing women seeking abortions. The commission has appealed to Southern Baptists for support, citing its advocacy for religious liberty and against abortion and transgender identity. 'Without the ERLC, you will send the message to our nation's lawmakers and the public at large that the SBC has chosen to abandon the public square at a time when the Southern Baptist voice is most needed,' said a video statement from the commission president, Brent Leatherwood. A group of Southern Baptist ethnic groups and leaders signed a statement in April citing concern over Trump's immigration crackdown, saying it has hurt church attendance and raised fears. 'Law and order are necessary, but enforcement must be accompanied with compassion that doesn't demonize those fleeing oppression, violence, and persecution,' the statement said. The Center for Baptist Leadership, however, denounced the denominational Baptist Press for working to 'weaponize empathy' in its reporting on the statement and Leatherwood for supporting it. Texas pastor Dwight McKissic, a Black pastor who shares many of the Southern Baptist Convention's conservative stances, criticized what he sees as a backlash against the commission, 'the most racially progressive entity in the SBC.' 'The SBC is transitioning from an evangelical organization to a fundamentalist organization,' he posted on the social media site X. 'Fewer and fewer Black churches will make the transition with them." Amendment to ban churches with women pastors An amendment to ban churches with women pastors failed in 2024 after narrowly failing to gain a two-thirds supermajority for two consecutive years. It is expected to be reintroduced. The denomination's belief statement says the office of pastor is limited to men, but there remain disagreements over whether this applies only to the lead pastor or to assistants as well. In recent years, the convention began purging churches that either had women as lead pastors or asserted that they could serve that role. But when an SBC committee this year retained a South Carolina megachurch with a woman on its pastoral staff, some argued this proved the need for a constitutional amendment. (The church later quit the denomination of its own accord.) The meeting comes as the Southern Baptist Convention continues its long membership slide, down 2% in 2024 from the previous year in its 18th consecutive annual decline. The organization now reports a membership of 12.7 million members, still the largest among Protestant denominations, many of whom are shrinking faster. More promising are Southern Baptists' baptism numbers — a key spiritual vital sign. They stand at 250,643, exceeding pre-pandemic levels and, at least for now, reversing a long slide. ___ Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP's collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.

‘History will judge us as cowards or heroes': Ras Baraka, the mayor arrested by Ice, won't be intimidated
‘History will judge us as cowards or heroes': Ras Baraka, the mayor arrested by Ice, won't be intimidated

The Guardian

timean hour ago

  • The Guardian

‘History will judge us as cowards or heroes': Ras Baraka, the mayor arrested by Ice, won't be intimidated

It took about two minutes for Ras Baraka to be propelled from being a relatively obscure New Jersey politician into a nationwide avatar. The transformation happened on 9 May when he was trying to inspect Delaney Hall, a privately run federal immigration detention center that he accuses of violating safety protocols, when he was arrested by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice). Video footage of those fateful minutes show burly Ice agents dressed in militarised fatigues dragging the mayor into the compound. Baraka, who was accompanying three congressmembers, has his hands yanked behind his back and is handcuffed. He vainly urges his captors to go easy on him with a plea that, in hindsight, now sounds deeply ironic. 'I'm not resisting,' he says, over and over. Since the arrest Baraka, 55, has rapidly emerged on the national stage as someone who resists, a lot. The son of a revolutionary poet, and a poet in his own right, he was a high school principal before becoming councilmember then mayor of one of America's less glamorous cities: Newark. He has articulated an opposition to Donald Trump's march towards 'authoritarianism' with a potency that, apart from sporadic actions, has been lacking from Democratic party leaders. 'History will judge us in this moral moment,' he says. 'These people are wrong. And it's moments like this that will judge us all – as cowards or, you know, as heroes.' Following his arrest, Baraka was charged with trespassing, had his mugshot taken and was fingerprinted, twice. That second time really irked him. 'That was a little much. Marshals came into the courtroom to carry me out to the basement, for charges that were a class C misdemeanor.' A few days later, Trump officials abruptly dropped the charges, earning themselves a sharp rebuke from the court. Judge André Espinosa slammed the Trump administration for having made a 'worrisome misstep' in rushing to prosecute an elected representative. All of that took place in three weeks, at the same time as Baraka has been running in the Democratic primary to become New Jersey's next governor. 'It's been a little crazy,' Baraka concedes, with understatement. The volatility has not ended with his court case, it has just moved onto the streets. Baraka says he is now frequently stopped by people on the Newark sidewalk, praising him for his stand. When he travels outside Newark, the obverse is true. 'I've had every crazy person calling me all kinds of things. People jumping out of their car, yelling and screaming because you're protecting immigrants.' For Baraka, the praise and anger has underlined the perilousness of these times. 'The country is really, really divided. And in my mind, really uninformed. And we're seeing how dangerous these people have become.' Now that he's had time to reflect on this surreal episode, what does he think it was all about? Why did Trump's America – 'these people', as he calls them – pick on him? 'I'm the mayor of the city. That's it. They're coming after the governor, the US attorney, the judges. It's all trying to prove that they're in charge, like regular bullies do.' We meet 3 miles and a world away from Delaney Hall. The metal fences and khaki Ice uniforms that confronted Baraka on 9 May make way for a rather grander setting: the golden domed beaux-arts wonder that is Newark city hall. Baraka's office is up a sweeping marble staircase. There are officers guarding his door, also uniformed, but instead of batons they greet visitors with smiles. The mayor sounds a bit flat when we start talking, as though his mind is elsewhere. But then, he has got a lot on his plate. A day after our interview he lodges a lawsuit against New Jersey's top federal prosecutor for false arrest and malicious prosecution. The suit also accuses Alina Habba, Trump's appointee as the state's acting US attorney, of defaming him. On top of that, there are next Tuesday's primary elections in the race to replace the time-limited Democratic incumbent Phil Murphy as New Jersey governor. Baraka is competing in a field of six Democratic candidates in what is turning out to be a tight contest: many polls suggest he is running in second place to the former Navy helicopter pilot Mikie Sherrill, though the outcome remains unpredictable. Then there's the fact that Trump has come at him with the entire might of the US government. It's not just Baraka in the line of fire, it's Newark. Trump has long shown disdain for Democratic-controlled cities, especially those that happen to be majority Black and brown. During his first term Trump called Baltimore, Maryland, which is 60% Black, a 'disgusting, rat and rodent infested mess'. Newark, New Jersey's largest city, is 47% Black and 37% Hispanic, so it's fair to surmise where much of Trump's animus towards it comes from. The president's racist antagonism is targeted at Newark because of its status as a 'sanctuary city' – meaning that it offers protections for undocumented immigrants, and limits the cooperation of its police with federal enforcement operations unless crime is involved. There's no better manifestation of this collision of values than Delaney Hall. It's 1,000 beds are only currently accommodating 120 detainees, but its presence on the edge of downtown makes its own looming statement. 'It's menacing, a threat,' Baraka says of the detention facility. 'They said they were arresting criminals, but people know that's not true. You can't find 1,000 immigrant gang members and rapists and murderers, not in Newark. So who else are they going to put in there?' Baraka says that the fear is palpable across the city. Since Ice carried out a high-profile raid at Newark fish market just three days after the inauguration, there has been a steep decline in people leaving their homes for health or social service appointments, or trips to shops and restaurants. 'People are afraid. It's regular everyday anxiety. These people are running around, grabbing people off the street,' Baraka says. In the latest salvo, the Trump administration is suing Newark and three other New Jersey cities for 'standing in the way' of federal immigration officers. That's quite something, to have one of the world's most powerful governments bearing down on you like a gigantic bird of prey. Is he scared? Baraka is surprisingly honest in admitting his own fears. 'You got the apparatus of government, of law, of the police and military – all this stuff to make your life miserable.' He's warming to his subject now, that early flatness giving way to an intensity of rhetoric clearly honed at campaign rallies. He comforts himself, he says, with the thought that people who came before him must also have been afraid, yet they were unbowed. 'When we were fighting to dismantle Jim Crow in America, people were afraid. When the women's suffrage movement was going, in the fight for labor rights, there was fear, but people still did what they thought was right.' He hopes he will make the same decision, though he candidly admits it's not easy. 'Of course, this is scary,' he says. 'I just pray that it doesn't turn me into a coward.' There are plenty of, if not cowards, then collaborators in this 'moral moment'. Universities like Columbia or multibillion-dollar law firms like Paul Weiss, that have capitulated in the face of Trump's assault without so much as a squeak of protest. Then there's that other mayor ensconced just 15 miles away across the Hudson River. Eric Adams's deal with Trump, in which the New York mayor had his federal corruption charges dropped in return for cooperation over immigration deportations, is perhaps the most shocking of all apparent quid pro quos in this second Trump era. Baraka is open about his ties to Adams, and though he stressed he didn't agree with what had happened his take on events is slightly ambiguous. It sits somewhere between condemning the man and empathising with his plight. Sign up to Headlines US Get the most important US headlines and highlights emailed direct to you every morning after newsletter promotion 'Mayor Adams, I know him, he's my friend,' he says. For Baraka, the Adams story is another sign of present dangers – not just in the Trump attack, but also in the Democratic response. 'This is what this moment does to people, does to us – it puts us in these precarious situations where we have to choose ourselves over our people, over the things we believe or care about the most. That's why these are very, very dangerous times.' He has a message for those who think they can save themselves by making a pact with the devil, such as Adams or Gretchen Whitmer, the Democratic Michigan governor, whom he also namechecked. Whitmer has cozied up to Trump since his return to the White House, only to find the president now considering a pardon for the men who plotted to kidnap her. 'That's an insane proposition,' Baraka says. 'You think you're protecting yourself, but you're just releasing your rights, your abilities, your values, and making yourself more vulnerable.' Baraka describes himself as an unabashed but pragmatic Democrat, a progressive who gets things done. 'I'm a pragmatist at heart,' he says. 'As mayor, I don't have the luxury of debating ideology in the egg line at the supermarket. I've got to get people jobs and opportunity.' His record since he became mayor in 2014, succeeding Cory Booker who left city hall for the US senate, has earned him the plaudits of such Democratic luminaries as Barack Obama. The former president praised Baraka in the New Yorker as being 'both idealistic and practical'. Under Baraka, Newark homicides have fallen to lows not seen since the 1940s. He is proud of his record on attracting new businesses to the city, improving water quality and increasing childhood vaccinations. Yet in the gubernatorial race, he still faces the old put-down leveled at progressives: unelectability. He complains that during the campaign he has been labeled 'too progressive, too Newark, and too Black'. 'It's hogwash,' he says animatedly. 'The moderates, they want to keep the status quo and are maintaining these lies to make people do what's safe, as opposed to what's right.' Trump lost New Jersey last November by six percentage points. That was a 10-point improvement for him on 2020 – the second largest swing in his favour of any state. Baraka blames that startling result not on Trump's appeal, but on the Democrats' failings, especially in their pitch to working Americans. 'The Democrats lost touch with people, that's the real issue: the Democratic party's ability to connect to its voter base and to attract new voters. Ultimately, they did not inspire.' He criticizes the party for being afraid of powerful interests. 'People can't pay their healthcare costs, but we're afraid to challenge the healthcare industry; childcare costs are too high, but we're afraid to lean into child tax credits that would end child poverty; rents and mortgages are unaffordable, but we're afraid of developers and big banks.' His critique does not end there. Democratic leaders are also proving incapable of rising to the challenge of this perilous moment. 'We've seen a bunch of disparate, spur-of-the-moment acts by individuals and smaller groups, but there's no collective offensive strategy. And we've underestimated Donald Trump.' So why does he stick with it? Why stay in a Democratic party that he believes is abjectly failing? 'It's all we have right now. This is what we got. We got to fight with the weapons we have until there's others. I mean, pragmatically.' Poetry is not the most conventional tactic in a bid for statewide office. One of Baraka's closing political ads in the primaries has him reciting American Poem, his best-known work which is featured by Beyoncé in her current Cowboy Carter tour. Baraka argues that poetry can be a powerful tool in reaching out to voters. 'There's a lot of folks who respond to art, poetry, music. And I'm a poet. My dad said: 'Never lose your poetry license'. So I'm not.' His dad was the prominent Black poet, playwright and jazz aficionado, Amiri Baraka (AKA Everett Leroy Jones AKA LeRoi Jones). Newark born and raised, Baraka Sr was a founding member of the 1960s Black Arts movement; he helped both to chronicle and shape the Black liberation struggle. Though a radical and at times a revolutionary, Amiri Baraka also worked within the system to promote Black politicians. He was seminal in having Kenneth Gibson elected in 1970 as the first Black mayor of Newark. It must have been a profound sadness for Baraka, then, that his father died in January 2014, four months before he himself won the mayoral election. 'It was worse than that, I guess,' Baraka reflected. 'My father didn't want me to run for mayor at first – he knew how ugly this thing is. But in the last week or so of his life, he was passing out flyers in his hospital room, encouraging doctors, patients to vote for me. 'My son's running for mayor! My son's running for mayor!' Yeah, that was amazing.' American Poem is a call for an inclusive definition of America and what it is to be an American. 'It's me saying, I want to hear an American poem that talks about all the things – good or bad – that people refuse to talk about: our communities, our struggles, our lives, our culture, our history – all of which is as American as the KKK.' The poem was written in the 1990s, when Baraka was straight out of college. That's uncanny, because it reads today with a burning contemporary urgency, as though it was composed as a direct riposte to Trump's ideology of 'America first': I want to hear an American poem You know, something made in the USA Something American and Afro-Cuban Nuyorican Latin tinge, beaten bone by plena, Sprawling out of wide open tenement windows In the middle of winter Which just goes to show, Baraka says, that the current fight is nothing new. It's as old as the country itself. 'People keep trying to define what this country is. Now Trump is telling us what it is to be an American. But he can't. It belongs to all of us. Yeah, it belongs to all of us.'

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