
Ex-Labour minister says winter fuel U-turn smacks of incompetence
A former Labour minister from the Blair-era says the UK government's U-turn over the winter fuel allowance "smacks of incompetence".More than three-quarters of pensioners will receive the winter fuel payment after Chancellor Rachel Reeves confirmed she would roll back her decision to cut the benefit.Kim Howells said the original policy was "daft" and that UK Labour ministers seemed to be "rudderless" and "floating around".The UK government was asked for comment.
The former Pontypridd MP told BBC Radio Wales Breakfast: "The problem… is it smacks of incompetence. These U-turns don't look good, they never look good."This seemed to be kind of rudderless, floating around, not knowing which way to turn, and now they face this kind of humiliation, and really there was no need for it."It's true that people like me on a decent pension don't need it, but there are millions and millions who do need it."For a Labour government to be doing this just seems daft really."I'm afraid that this, along with a number of other decisions, has allowed people quite validly to level really very significant criticism at the government."
Howells had a series of ministerial jobs under Tony Blair, including in the Foreign Office, before he was reshuffled out by Gordon Brown in 2008. He left Parliament in 2010.In the radio interview Howells criticised the communication style of the prime minister."I don't understand anything Sir Keir Starmer says."It's this kind of London techno speak, which nobody understands."It's a mist instead of a clear policy, and that's what we need really. People need something to aim at, they need a hope, they need a future."
He said Welsh Labour would "undoubtedly" pay the price for the UK government's actions - but Howells also criticised the Welsh government's performance.The former minister said devolution was designed "to make Wales better, but our health service is even worse than in England"."Welcome to Wales means you get all those tunnels in Newport," he said, referring to the 2019 scrapping of plans for an M4 relief road by former Labour first minister Mark Drakeford."We have to do much more than we have done at the moment."Howells complained about what he saw as the "curse of the Welsh Assembly" in calling for subsidies, using the original name for the Cardiff Bay legislature which was changed to the Welsh Parliament in 2020."It's not been about encouraging entrepreneurships and getting people to start their own businesses. It's been constantly about the old politics of 'we haven't had our share, we must get our share'."Asked about the row over whether Wales would benefit from funding for the Oxford to Cambridge railway line, he said: "Sure, that public investment is very important."But I don't think that's going to sort out transport problems in Wales or the future of Wales."It needs this outfit in Cardiff, it needs Keir Starmer's government in London, to realise that the world is changing at a fantastic pace and we've got to change with it."
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Telegraph
24 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Why obsessing over ‘identity' is a stupid idea
Earlier this year, delivering the annual Richard Dimbleby Lecture, Gareth Southgate argued that in Britain today, too many boys and young men are suffering an identity crisis. They need better role models: only through emulating such figures can they reverse their own slump into academic underachievement, Andrew Tate-fuelled misogyny and feelings of worthlessness. The speech was widely praised. It seemed, if you'll forgive the pun, that the former England manager was shooting at an open goal. Few disputed that the fundamental problem was our boys' sense of identity, or that this sense needed to be made stronger and more resilient. Or maybe not. In this incendiary and timely broadside, Australian philosopher Alexander Douglas argues that the entire concept of 'identity', as we find it in contemporary discourse, is wrong. There's something undeniably odd about looking to others to find one's true self. Personal authenticity surely can't be a matter of imitation – and yet, for good or ill, we do it all the time. As children, we play at being superheroes, monsters, parents, criminals, police: we try to find out who we are by playing at being what we are not. As adults, Alexander suggests, we continue this role-play, but with a twist: we're motivated by fear to hunker down in silos of identity definition. Hence, perhaps, the rise of identity politics, as manifested on all sides: Black Lives Matter, the English Defence League, #MeToo, Proud Boys, self-regarding wellness crypto-fascists, the LGBTQ+ community. It seems unlikely that Nicola Sturgeon, Nigel Farage or Donald Trump would have been elected were it not for the respectively Scottish, English and American national identities to which their supporters cleave. Identity politics has for some time been excoriated by conservatives, but increasingly it is attacked by the Left too. Ash Sarkar, a regular panellist on Radio 4's The Moral Maze, who has described herself as 'literally a communist', proposed in her recent book Minority Rule that the Left's cause is being thwarted because the oppressed they hope to defend are being splintered into different interest groups riven by identity politics. If only black people, queer people, trans people and the white working-classes could see past their identitarian distinctions, and think along class lines, the revolution might have some actual prospects. It's easy to understand, Douglas writes, why we shore up our identities like latter-day Canutes. 'Drowning in a world where nothing is certain, where half of what we know is probably mistaken and the other half will soon be out of date, fear drives us to cling to the driftwood of various definitions.' Tech companies monetise exactly this insecurity and desire for stability. We're encouraged to present our 'authentic selves' online, the better for Meta and other firms to exploit our private data for profit – though the more heavily redacted, cunningly filtered and therefore inauthentic, the more engagement-worthy those selves will be. The central point of Against Identity is that these identities are not just generated by fear and algorithms but are fundamentally mendacious. As the late Christian philosopher René Girard put it: 'Individualism is a formidable lie.' That's a discombobulating axiom for the 21st century, in which individualism has become a religion for a society that's lost faith in God. Girard grew up in post-war France, when existentialism was becoming an exportable commodity, like fine wines or Brigitte Bardot, spreading its influence from Saint-Germain-des-Prés cafés to the world. The leader of the turtlenecks, Jean-Paul Sartre, argued that we have the God-like power to become our true selves ex nihilo – a tremendously hopefully message for those of us who are struggling to escape the inherited curses of family, class, sex, or (in my case) a Black Country accent. Soon, ironically enough, everybody sought to become an individual. Girard denounced the hipster narcissists whose way of becoming themselves was, ironically, to look like what he called 'a vast herd of sheep-like individualists'. Girard called this desire to establish one's authentic identity a 'romantic lie', and it's a lie that persists today, not least in Silicon Valley. Douglas points, for instance, to Steve Jobs's much-mythologised 2005 commencement address at Stanford University, where the Apple founder hymned 'your own inner voice, heart and intuition', which 'will somehow know already what you want to truly become.' How did we get this way? One account of human evolution, as related by Douglas, goes like this. For much of human history, there was no organised legal force to restrain the lawless thugs who sought to harm others. Coalitions of the willing thus formed to eliminate them and safeguard society. This is what the primatologist Richard Wangham calls the 'execution hypothesis': to put it roughly, the more aggressive members of society were bumped off or, presumably through some form of community-wide castration, prevented from reproducing. Douglas contends that this domesticated human society, which has continued to the present day, produced a civilisation that wasn't violent in a reactive way, as with the elimination of those thugs, but a proactive one: it enforces conformity to norms. Humans became selected, in the evolutionary sense, for their extreme vigilance in conforming to social norms, whether out of fear of punishment or, worse, being made to look ridiculous. 'People fear breaking the social contract,' Douglas writes, 'for the same reason they fear turning up to a gala event in unfashionable shoes finding themselves in a conversation where everybody but them seems to have mastered the appropriate slang or academic jargon.' (He is a lecturer in philosophy at the University of St Andrews: one wonders if he's speaking from experience.) One's identity, that is to say, is constrained and defined by the norms of our society. We are not meaningfully free to choose who we are. Douglas goes on: 'Many of our communities, whatever the stated purpose might be, are really identity regimes driven by egotism – patrolled and sustained by individuals determined to preserve a certain idea of themselves: a fragile idea that cannot bear much novelty.' This rings true to me. But the alternative Douglas proposes is, to put it mildly, bracing. He counsels something called 'identitylessness', which – following the philosophies of Girard, Spinoza and the ancient Chinese sage Zhuangzhi – involves breaking out of the prison of individual identity and realising that we're all, in a profound sense, connected to everything. 'We are the others and the others are us,' he writes at his most rhapsodic, 'not because we share an identity, but because we are alike in identitylessness… I believe we have barely begun to live in the world together. Our drive for identity is always getting in the way.' Alexander is alert to the complaint that this anti-identity vision might be deranging, that 'a world without identity is terrifying'. Not just terrifying, I would argue, but scarcely comprehensible. Yet he believes in it. At one point, he movingly recounts how he struggled to deal with his father's Alzheimer's disease. His dad's identity was being brutally stripped to nothing. A friend advised that Douglas should stop yearning for his dad to become his old self: give up the hope of trying to bring the father back to this world, and instead enter his. 'That turned out to be the secret,' he writes. 'My father was not vanishing but changing.' Douglas set about 'letting go of the things I was exhausting myself trying to hold on to, the things by which I had defined both him and myself, and learning to find joy in what was there'. The experience allowed him to fully understand the anti-identity philosophers he celebrates here. 'Nothing can remain the same. Trying to hold on to the way things are is a losing game. But love remains, because love can flow along with the way things change… Love is as supple as the world, and the world's transformations cannot erase it. Love is the opposite of identity and the secret to adaptation.' Ultimately, I'm not sure Douglas is right about love. Can we really love what has no personality or identity? Nor, closing Against Identity, was I convinced that we could really live identityless in a mystical communion with the rest of the universe. But the challenge he makes along the way to what many of us have become – narcissists onanistically buffing our fatuous identities, both online and in real life – seems to me more valuable and important than most contemporary philosophy.


Sky News
25 minutes ago
- Sky News
UK calls for restraint after Israel launches airstrikes on Iran
The UK has called for restraint and diplomacy after Israel launched airstrikes on Iran early on Friday. The Israeli military said a "pre-emptive, precise, combined offensive based on high-quality intelligence" had been launched - called Operation Rising Lion. In a statement, Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer urged "all parties to step back and reduce tensions urgently". 6:03 He added: "Escalation serves no one in the region. Stability in the Middle East must be the priority and we are engaging partners to de-escalate. "Now is the time for restraint, calm and a return to diplomacy." Foreign Secretary David Lammy added that "this is a dangerous moment" and said "stability in the Middle East is vital for global security". Please refresh the page for the latest version.


STV News
28 minutes ago
- STV News
Starmer urges Iran and Israel to ‘step back' after strikes targeting Tehran
The Prime Minister has 'urged all parties to step back' after Israeli strikes targeting Iran's nuclear programme. Israel launched strikes on Tehran early on Friday, rekindling fears of a full-scale conflict. Sir Keir Starmer said the Government urged 'all parties to step back and reduce tensions urgently' after the strikes, adding that 'now is the time for restraint, calm and a return to diplomacy'. He said: 'The reports of these strikes are concerning and we urge all parties to step back and reduce tensions urgently. Escalation serves no-one in the region. 'Stability in the Middle East must be the priority and we are engaging partners to de-escalate. Now is the time for restraint, calm and a return to diplomacy.' The attack appeared to be the most significant Iran has faced since its war with Iraq in the 1980s. Sir Keir's sentiments were echoed by Foreign Secretary David Lammy, who said stability in the Middle East was 'vital' for global security. 'Further escalation is a serious threat to peace & stability in the region and in no-one's interest,' he said in a post on X. 'This is a dangerous moment & I urge all parties to show restraint.' Get all the latest news from around the country Follow STV News Scan the QR code on your mobile device for all the latest news from around the country