The return of ‘Pasha'? Political thinker calls for returning honorary titles to Egypt
Political thinker Osama al-Ghazali Harb called for the revival of civil titles in Egypt, including the title of 'Pasha,' but under a new framework that better aligns with changing economic and social realities.
This proposal came in an article in which Harb proposed granting honorary titles in exchange for large financial contributions made by the wealthy to the state.
Harb believed that the decision to abolish civil titles more than 70 years ago deprived society of an effective means of honoring public figures with outstanding achievements in areas such as culture, industry, and agriculture.
He cited Britain, where titles such as 'Sir' and 'Knight' are still awarded in recognition of prominent figures, such as the world-renowned Egyptian surgeon Sir Magdi Yacoub, who was honored by Queen Elizabeth II in 1991.
Harb proposed an organized return to these titles by establishing a specialized body that would oversee nominations according to strict criteria, which would then be presented to Parliament for approval.
This initiative could contribute to motivating high-net-worth individuals to contribute to public life and development, he added.
Harb gave examples by symbolic list of names he believes would qualify for these titles if the system were adopted, such as Naguib Pasha Sawiris, Talaat Pasha Mustafa, Mohamed Pasha Abul-Enein, Mounir Fakhry Pasha Abdel-Nour, Nassef Pasha Sawiris, and other well-known businessmen.
Speaking to to Al-Masry Al-Youm, Harb explained that the aim of the proposal is not to impose taxes, but rather to create an incentive mechanism that gives the wealthy a sense of appreciation and elevated social status through symbolic titles of a rich cultural character.
He emphasized that granting the title of 'Pasha' does not signify a return to a class system, but rather serves as a 'badge of honor' or 'honorary degree' awarded in exchange for genuine contributions to supporting the national economy.
Harb said, despite the challenges facing it, Egypt possesses latent wealth in the hands of some of its citizens, and needs innovative means to motivate them to participate in development.
What's in a title?
'Pasha' was not merely a title; it symbolized prestige, social and political status in Egypt for nearly a century and a half, from the reign of Muhammad Ali Pasha until the mid-twentieth century.
It was granted to senior statesmen, notables, and prominent officials as a form of honor and privilege.
According to the encyclopedia 'History of Egyptian Ministries,' published by the General Egyptian Book Organization, the titles were initially granted by the Ottoman Sublime Porte, considering Egypt part of the Ottoman Empire.
The right then passed to the Sultan of Egypt after the imposition of the British protectorate in 1914, and then to the king after the declaration of the kingdom in 1922.
In 1915, Sultan Hussein Kamel issued a decree establishing an official system of civil ranks. This was followed in 1923 by Royal Decree No. 3, issued during the reign of King Fuad I, which regulated the granting of titles and honors.
Civil ranks were divided into five grades: 'Presidency' for heads of government, 'Excellency' for ministers, with the title 'His Excellency'; 'Pasha' for senior dignitaries and officials whose salaries exceeded LE1,800; and 'Bey' for those whose salaries ranged between LE800 and LE1,200 or who had rendered distinguished services to the state.
Royal occasions, such as birthdays or accession to the throne, were a good time to submit applications for promotions and grant titles, as explained by the acting head of the Royal Court under King Farouk Hassan Youssef.
However, this system was officially abolished after the July 23, 1952 Revolution, pursuant to Decree No. 68 of 1952, as part of the state's efforts to eliminate social class and achieve social justice.
Since then, titles have been replaced by 'Respected' in official correspondence, and the prohibition on titles was included in the constitution from 1956 until the 2014 Constitution, which, in Article 26, prohibited the creation or revival of any civil ranks.
Despite the official prohibition, these titles continue to be used on the Egyptian street and in government offices, unofficially, particularly when addressing those with influence or wealth.
Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Daily News Egypt
2 hours ago
- Daily News Egypt
Egypt sets rules for foreign delegations visiting Gaza border
Egypt has announced regulatory controls for foreign delegations wishing to visit the border area with the Gaza Strip, stating that prior approval must be obtained through official channels. In a Wednesday statement, the government said the only way it would consider such requests is through a formal application to an Egyptian embassy abroad, or via requests submitted by foreign embassies in Cairo or representatives of organisations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It said that no requests or invitations received outside this specified framework would be considered. The statement emphasised the importance of adhering to these regulations to ensure the security of visiting delegations, citing the delicate security situation in the border region since the beginning of the crisis in Gaza. It noted that many visits for foreign government and non-governmental delegations had been arranged previously under this process. The government also stressed the importance for citizens of all countries to adhere to the laws and regulations governing entry into Egyptian territory, including obtaining the necessary visas or permits. In the statement, Egypt said it welcomes international and regional positions that support Palestinian rights and reject what it described as the 'siege, starvation, and flagrant and systematic Israeli violations' against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip. It affirmed that Egypt continues to work at all levels to end the war on the Strip and the humanitarian disaster affecting more than two million Palestinians. The statement reaffirmed Egypt's steadfast position in support of the Palestinian people on their land and its rejection of Israeli violations of international law and international humanitarian law. It also stressed the importance of pressuring Israel to end the siege on the Strip and allow humanitarian access through all land crossings from Israel.
Daily News Egypt
2 hours ago
- Daily News Egypt
Culture remains enduring constant at heart of resistance: Mohamed Salmawy
'Palestine is not merely a political cause; it is the mirror in which the Arab self is reflected.' In a candid and incisive conversation, renowned Egyptian writer Mohamed Salmawy reflects on memory, resistance, cultural identity, and the enduring responsibility of the intellectual in turbulent times. In an era where genuine insight is increasingly drowned out by the clamour of instant commentary and disposable opinion, Mohamed Salmawy remains one of the Arab world's most luminous voices of moral clarity and cultural stewardship. For decades, Salmawy has occupied a rare position at the confluence of literature, cultural advocacy, and public life. His career is distinguished not only by literary excellence but by an unwavering commitment to intellectual integrity and moral courage. At a moment when shifting regional dynamics and successive crises have driven the Palestinian question to the margins of political discourse, Salmawy insists that it endures—not merely as a geopolitical concern, but as the moral and existential cornerstone of Arab identity. Despite persistent attempts to sideline it, the Palestinian cause remains deeply embedded in the Arab collective imagination. In this expansive and contemplative exchange, Salmawy opens both heart and mind, meditating on Palestine's persistent centrality in Arab consciousness, the resilience of a generation once presumed indifferent, and the undimmed ember of solidarity that continues to burn. He speaks of resistance movements that have reshaped history, of the thinker's sacred duty to preserve memory in the face of cultural erasure, and of the enduring necessity of resistance—not solely through arms, but through words, reflection, and cultural guardianship. Drawing on a rich personal journey, Salmawy explores the concept of a 'culture of resistance,' the Arab world's contemporary crisis of awareness, his relationship with power, and a hopeful vision for the future of Arab culture. The result is a dialogue of rare philosophical depth—one that refuses despair and reaffirms the enduring power of memory, truth, and moral resolve. You recently explored the concept of a 'culture of resistance.' In light of the ongoing crises sweeping the Arab world, what does this phrase mean to you? The culture of resistance is far more than a reaction to occupation or political oppression; it is a deeply rooted civilisation force woven into the very fabric of our history. Resistance begins with the word—through ideas, poetry, theatre, storytelling. We inhabit a region in perpetual flux, and so our culture must remain vigilant, engaged, and unyielding in the face of domination or dependence. For the intellectual, the word is a weapon—no less powerful than any firearm. Do you believe the Arab intellectual today is fulfilling his responsibilities adequately? The intellectual is the architect of collective awareness—politicians often lag behind or exploit that awareness. But where do intellectuals stand today? There are indeed sincere efforts, but we live in an age marked by confusion and fragmentation. The issue is not a lack of cultural production, but the absence of real influence. Books are published, plays performed—yet how many truly resonate? How many genuinely reach the public? Despite the abundance of output, we are failing to forge meaningful engagement. And what, in your view, lies at the heart of this issue? The media bears much of the responsibility. Rather than acting as a bridge between culture and society, it has become a barrier. Superficiality now dominates the airwaves. Serious cultural programming is increasingly rare, often relegated to late-night hours, while trivial entertainment and escapism dominate prime time. This dynamic gravely undermines efforts to cultivate genuine public consciousness. Let us return to the beginning—when did you first come to realise that writing was your irrevocable destiny? From a very young age. I was writing and staging plays in school and began composing poetry and short stories around the time of adolescence. My father, although a businessman, was a voracious reader. Our family library housed the works of giants like Taha Hussein, Al-Hakim, and Naguib Mahfouz. Within that intellectually rich environment, I came to see writing not as a diversion but as a calling, a solemn responsibility. Later, I studied English literature and had the privilege of studying at Oxford University—an experience that significantly shaped and deepened my intellectual and creative outlook. You have held distinguished cultural appointments both within Egypt and internationally. How have these roles shaped your vision of cultural endeavour? I had the honour of presiding over the Egyptian Writers' Union and subsequently the Union of Arab Writers and Intellectuals. Yet, throughout, I have remained a writer above all else. Titles are fleeting—only the written word endures. These roles revealed to me that the challenges facing culture across the Arab world are largely similar: chronic underfunding, a weak translation infrastructure, and the consistent relegation of culture beneath political and economic concerns. Yet, even in such adversity, I have encountered extraordinary talents—creators with nothing but their art, yet undeterred in their resolve. It is they who keep the flame of hope alive. And how would you describe your experience with translation? Translation has long been a personal and professional priority—not simply a tool, but a cultural obligation. Sadly, we fall short both in translating the world into Arabic and in exporting our own intellectual and artistic output. What we need is a strong, permanent national institution dedicated to translation as a vehicle for cross-cultural understanding. I fought hard for this, and it was a personal triumph to witness the creation of the National Centre for Translation. But founding it was just the beginning—it must be properly funded, institutionally empowered, and culturally autonomous to fulfil its mission. Ours is not a quest to mimic the Other, but to understand—and in that understanding, to better know ourselves. The relationship between the writer and authority has always been fraught. You were at times close to the corridors of power. How did you manage that proximity? Proximity to power is not inherently problematic; the danger lies in forfeiting independence. Yes, I was close to decision-making circles—I even helped draft significant documents, including Egypt's 2014 Constitution, in which I wrote the chapter on culture. But I was never a follower. I wrote articles critical of the authorities and was removed from a position because of one such piece. An intellectual must guard their freedom of thought; once that is lost, they cease to be a voice of conscience and become an instrument of the state. Do you consider the present climate conducive to genuine freedom of expression? No climate is ever perfect. Freedom is not a fixed state—it is an ongoing struggle. A true writer finds ways to speak even in adverse conditions. Today we have tools our predecessors could not imagine—digital platforms, social media—yet these too can mislead as easily as they can enlighten. The challenge is to use them wisely, with ethical conviction. Freedom, after all, is hollow without accountability. And what final counsel would you impart to the rising generation of writers and artists? You are the torchbearers of tomorrow. Ignore those who claim culture has lost its relevance. The written word remains mightier than any weapon. Resist the allure of instant fame—pursue meaning, not celebrity. Read widely, think deeply, and fully engage in the moral and intellectual struggles of your time. For it is from life—in all its chaos and beauty—that enduring art is born. How do you situate the Palestinian question within its wider Arab context? The Palestinian cause has never been a passing political episode or local conflict. It stands as a powerful symbol of the Arab world's historical dispossession—the stripping away of resources, sovereignty, and cultural identity. It transcends borders and nationalist sentiment. Palestine is the prism through which we see the struggles of the Arab nation. It is not just a land under occupation, but a symbol of every injustice, every silenced voice, and every stolen future. It is the crucible of our collective striving for freedom. And do you believe the present generation retains a cognisance of this profound connection? Candidly, I once feared the opposite. There were signs that younger generations were growing distant from the cause—perhaps due to its diminishing presence in public discourse or the pressing distractions of modern life. At times, it felt as though Palestine was being consigned to the margins. And then Gaza erupted, and the narrative shifted dramatically. What precisely do you mean by 'Gaza erupted'? Are you alluding to the most recent assault? Precisely. The recent events in Gaza—a defiant stand against inhuman savagery—marked an irreversible rupture. The scale of brutality was staggering, unmatched in recent memory. One might have expected the region to retreat into silence. Yet the opposite occurred. A renewed political consciousness emerged, reclaiming Palestine from the periphery. This awakening did not stem from official declarations but from the people, particularly the youth, who embraced the cause as their own. Do you discern a substantive transformation in the consciousness of Arab youth towards the Palestinian cause? Absolutely. The intensity of youth engagement on digital platforms—calls for boycott, cultural campaigns, protest art, slogans, and anthems—has been extraordinary. Arab youth are no longer passive witnesses; they are active agents of change. They didn't wait for leadership—they led. This is no passing moment, but a deeper reawakening of cultural and political awareness. The fire of the cause continues to burn brightly in their hearts. And how do you assess the role of the Arab intellectual in this milieu? Has the intellectual sphere fulfilled its historic duty? Without the enduring efforts of Arab intellectuals, the Palestinian cause would not have retained its central place in our consciousness. I, too, contributed with my novel 'Coloured Beads.' Since the Nakba, Arab writers and thinkers—from the Maghreb to the Gulf—have produced an immense and powerful body of work. Palestinian literature, especially, remains vital: Ghassan Kanafani's 'Men in the Sun' and 'Returning to Haifa,' the poetry of Mahmoud Darwish and Samih Al-Qassem—these works form the cultural spine of resistance and remembrance. What of the representation of the Palestinian cause in the realm of visual arts? Visual art has proven one of the most evocative mediums for conveying the Palestinian experience. I recently attended an exhibition by Khaled Samahi, where one striking piece showed a masked youth with a gaze that proclaimed: 'I am here… I remain.' I was moved to acquire it. My wife, Nazli Madkour, a prominent visual artist, and I have assembled a collection captured in the book 'Jabal Al-Narjis' (Mount Narcissus), curated by Dr Magda Saad El-Din and photographed by Emad Abdel-Hadi. These works do not merely depict—they bear witness. Art becomes resistance. Do you perceive a genuine shift in the portrayal of Palestine within the global media landscape following the recent hostilities? Without question. For the first time in decades, the dominant Zionist narrative appeared visibly shaken. Global media could not ignore the sheer scale of the atrocities. The most powerful images—of children beneath rubble, bombed hospitals, devastated schools—emerged not from major networks but from Arab youth. Alternative media proved that truth, when persistently and fearlessly articulated, cannot be silenced. In one of your essays, you characterised the Palestinian child as the 'Personality of the Year.' What inspired that poignant declaration? Because no image this year has been more searing than that of the Palestinian child—dust-covered, traumatised, searching the rubble for a mother or a glimmer of hope. These children, robbed of innocence and safety, have become the living embodiment of a seventy-year struggle. When the world is finally shaken by the bombing of a sleeping child, something in the collective conscience irrevocably shifts. Lastly, what does Palestine signify to Mohamed Salmawy, both on a personal and symbolic plane? Palestine is not simply a national cause—it is a matter of existential identity. It is not just a place on the map, but the repository of memory, dignity, and spirit. It is the ultimate measure of one's moral compass. Those who turn their backs on Palestine renounce their very essence. To deny it is to reject our past and betray our future. Palestine is the mirror through which we see ourselves—and if that image is shattered, so too is our reflection.
Egypt Today
5 hours ago
- Egypt Today
Foreign ministry stresses need to comply with Gaza border visit regulations
CAIRO – 11 June 2025: Egypt stressed on Wednesday the necessity of obtaining prior approvals for foreign delegations to conduct visits to the border areas adjacent to Gaza, especially Arish City and Rafah border crossing. In a statement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Emigration and Egyptian Expatriates affirmed that Egypt continues to work at all levels to end the aggression on Gaza and to bring an end to the humanitarian catastrophe impacting more than two million Palestinians. The statement explained that the only acceptable way for Egyptian authorities to consider these requests is by adhering to the regulatory framework and procedures established since the start of the war on Gaza, according to the statement. This includes submitting official requests to Egyptian embassies abroad, or through requests submitted by foreign embassies in Cairo or representatives of organizations to the foreign ministry, it said. Numerous visits have already been arranged for foreign delegations either representing governmental bodies or non-governmental human rights organizations, the ministry said. 'Egypt underlines the importance of adhering to these established regulations to ensure the safety of visiting delegations given the sensitive and volatile nature of the border area since the beginning of the Gaza crisis.' 'In this regard, Egypt reaffirms that no requests will be considered nor any invitations will be responded to if they fall outside the approved regulatory framework and established mechanisms,' the statement said. 'Egypt also underlines the importance that all foreign nationals must comply with Egyptian laws and entry regulations, including obtaining the necessary visas or pre-approved permits. The statement added that Egypt has welcomed the official and popular international and regional stances supporting Palestinian rights and rejecting the blockade, starvation tactics, and systematic and flagrant Israeli violations against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip. 'Finally, Egypt reiterates its unwavering stance in support of the steadfastness of the Palestinian people on their land and its rejection of Israel's blatant violations of international law and international humanitarian law. 'It further stresses the importance of exerting pressure on Israel to lift the blockade on Gaza and to allow humanitarian access through all Israeli-controlled crossings with the Strip.
