
Pakistan proposes Nobel Peace Prize for Donald Trump, says he played ‘pivotal role during India-Pakistan crisis'
Trump met Pakistan army chief earlier this week
Live Events
MORE STORIES FOR YOU
✕
« Back to recommendation stories
I don't want to see these stories because
They are not relevant to me
They disrupt the reading flow
Others
SUBMIT
India dismisses role of external mediation
Trump claims US diplomacy defused crisis
(You can now subscribe to our
(You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel
Pakistan has proposed that former U.S. President Donald Trump should be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2026. The suggestion, made on social media platform X, cites Trump's "decisive diplomatic intervention and pivotal leadership during the recent India-Pakistan crisis" as the reason.This nomination comes despite Indian authorities disputing Trump's claims of playing a significant role in easing tensions between the two nations.Trump himself addressed the Nobel Prize question on Friday, stating he believes he deserves the award for several reasons, including his involvement with India and Pakistan, and for brokering a treaty between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda."I should have gotten it four or five times," the president said. "They won't give me a Nobel Peace Prize because they only give it to liberals."In a rare move, former US President Donald Trump hosted Pakistan's military chief General Asim Munir at the White House on Wednesday. The meeting came shortly after Munir suggested Trump be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. According to White House spokesperson Anna Kelly, Munir credited Trump for helping prevent a possible nuclear conflict between India and Pakistan during their brief military standoff in May.The White House said the meeting was held in response to Munir's comments praising Trump's efforts in calming tensions between the two nuclear-armed nations.Just before Munir's visit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had a 35-minute phone call with Trump. During the call, Modi made it clear that the ceasefire after the May 7–10 military exchange was achieved through direct talks between Indian and Pakistani military officials, not because of any third-party involvement.Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri later said that Modi repeated India's long-standing position that it does not accept any third-party mediation on its disputes with Pakistan.Despite India's statement, Trump told reporters that his efforts were key in easing the standoff. He said both countries were "going at it" and suggested his outreach played a crucial role in defusing tensions. Trump praised both Prime Minister Modi and General Munir, calling the outcome a shared success, though he said it was largely shaped by US diplomatic efforts.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


India Today
15 minutes ago
- India Today
Won't get Nobel for halting India-Pak war: Trump at it again after PM fact-check
US President Donald Trump rued that he won't get a Nobel Peace Prize for "stopping" the war between India and Pakistan, repeating the claim despite being fact-checked by Prime Minister Narendra Modi over the issue days ago. Trump's rant on Truth Social came as Pakistan formally nominated him for the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize."I won't get a Nobel Peace Prize for stopping the War between India and Pakistan... I won't get a Nobel Peace Prize, no matter what I do," Trump said while listing a series of key diplomatic peace outcomes that he claimed to have brokered. advertisementThe US President stuck to his version of events days after PM Modi set the record straight by telling him that at no point during the hostilities with Pakistan last month, was trade or mediation on the issue discussed with the US administration. India has made it clear on several occassions that the ceasefire was directly negotiated between the two nations upon Pakistan's insistence. It came as India struck vital military sites and airbases inside Pakistan as part of its Operation Sindoor.'WON'T GET NOBEL PRIZE NO MATTER WHAT I DO'The eccentric US President began his lengthy post by announcing that he and Secretary of State Marco Rubio had secured a "wonderful" treaty between Rwanda and Congo that would halt the war characterised by "violent bloodshed and death"."Representatives from Rwanda and the Congo will be in Washington on Monday to sign documents. This is a Great Day for Africa and, quite frankly, a Great Day for the World!" Trump by the US and Qatar, Rwanda and Congo agreed to a truce to end decades of conflict that killed thousands of people in the region and displaced hundreds of thousands of InMust Watch


Mint
26 minutes ago
- Mint
Book excerpt: How the global story of caste activism began in Marathwada
CASTE BOOK , SURAJ YENGDE , SURAJ MILIND YENGDE , NEW BOOK , NONFICTION , INDIAN WRITING , INDIAN NONFICTION : Nanded, my hometown in Marathwada, has been home to one of the most radical forms of Dalit politics for over a hundred years. The Arya Samaj, the Hindu reform movement, established one of its earliest centres in Marathwada. Fearing Muslim influence on the subaltern castes, the Arya Samaj started to reconvert the latter by offering janeu, the sacred thread. However, this was not looked upon favourably by non-Dalit villagers, who by way of punishment forcibly tattooed Dalit converts with hot iron rods. Marathwada has also seen a significant presence of Sikhs, Nanded being an important holy place for the Sikh religion. The radical message of mystics and spiritual teachers like Kabir, Raidas, Nanak and Gobind was carried by practitioners of the Sikh faith. In particular, the vision of society that Kabir and Raidas preached found especial resonance among the Dalits of Marathwada. Also read: 'Something like Truth': Staging four monologues around truth and justice Following in this tradition, Marathwada Dalits carved out for themselves a political space, whose potential for mobilization and receptivity to radical ideas were noticed by B.R. Ambedkar. Issues around land, education and sovereignty were all highly politicized in Marathwada. Those who rejected their oppression as lower castes looked for ways of fighting back. To them, Ambedkar-led politics seemed like a promising avenue. In particular, Mahars (a caste of Dalits) in my region gave their allegiance to Ambedkar. Though Ambedkar was yet to visit them, they had heard about him and his voluminous writings. He came from their caste-community and had a national as well as international appeal. Dalit leaders from the wider Telugu-, Marathi- and Kannada-speaking regions, such as Bhagya Reddy Varma, B.S. Venkat Rao and B. Shyam Sundar, eventually joined Ambedkar and worked under his leadership. My district and region were one of many centres of radical politics. Nanded's representative to India's independent parliament in 1957 belonged to a crop of radical Dalit politicians: Harihar Rao Sonule was our statement of our collective belief in constitutional promise. He was one of the early batch of Dalit MPs from the All India Scheduled Caste Federation who were intent on gaining rights for Dalits in the newly independent country. In our house in Janta Colony, Ambedkar Nagar, Nanded, my father listened to the morning Marathi news on DD Sahyadri—a government-owned satellite TV station. We had a black-and-white 14-inch television set made by a Videocon company. Each morning the same ritual was followed as I prepared for school. One day in 1997 my father held me and made me watch the TV: Kofi Annan was being elected as the secretary general of the United Nations Organization. My father called it Oono—UNO. He wanted me to register that a Black man had ascended to the topmost position of an inter-governmental body, never mind that Annan originally came from the crop of Ghanaian elites. My father perhaps wanted me to see that the UN and other international bodies could not only be accessible to native elites the world over, but could be a space even of Dalit politics. When the Taliban blew up statues of the Buddha, he and his associates protested by petitioning the UN—in a letter written in Marathi. Years later, when I was an intern at the UN's human rights office in Geneva, I was dismayed by its sheer inability to provide nonpolitical solutions to issues of the day…. In the United States, the Dalit cause was taken up by the coordinated efforts of professional class Dalits who had settled there. Their activism began with protests against atrocities within India and led to attempts to hold the Indian state accountable by placing the issue of caste on the agendas of US political and policy circles. Later, activists like Laxmi Berwa and Yogesh Varhade took the UN route that their predecessors like B.R. Ambedkar, N. Rajbhoj and Bhagwan Das had followed. Solidarity represents one way of connecting the Dalit movement with a larger cause. But the desire for international solidarity did not significantly influence the activities of Dalits in India. Their work evolved in response to the radical shifts of Cold War-era politics. The movement was split between left and right. Some aligned with a nativist theory of liberation, while others drew on the left's internationalism. One faction was led by Namdeo Dhasal, the well-known leftist Panther. Left-wing savarna scholars wrote extensively about Dhasal and promoted his image. Raja Dhale, on the other hand, who led the other faction, was primarily known to circles of academics and writers because of his distance from leftist politics. Later he became so disillusioned with the Panthers' leadership that he left and pursued a career in a political party run by Ambedkar's grandson, only to end up dismayed by it. A vast number of Dalit Mahars who identified with Ambedkar and Buddhism embraced Dhale. My father was an associate of his in Nanded and was particularly interested in Dhale's literary activities. They remained friends. My name Surudhay—kindhearted—was given me by Dhale. However, because it was often mispronounced, I shortened the name to Suraj. When I was a student leader in Nanded, I invited Dhale to visit the university and deliver a lecture. He came and the old cadres packed the hall. He spoke but it wasn't an impressive speech. When my father passed away, Dhale paid a visit to my home. I was in South Africa; I rang him to thank him for the visit. In his usual way, Dhale said that he had not done anything extraordinary. 'Milind was my associate, and I paid a visit" was his response. Dhale was known to call a spade a spade. He restricted himself to the activism of literature. He read many books. Whenever my father visited Mumbai, he would seek an audience with Dhale. I recall once we spent an entire day in Vikhroli, the area where Dhale lived. Years later when I was studying to become a scholar, I sought an audience with Dhale. He refused. He said that, like me, he had little time available; it was better that we should not impose ourselves on each other's time. His response made me feel he had become rude and bitter as an old man. A few years later when I spent about eight months in India, I realized why he had spoken in this way. In India, a meeting can easily last several hours. Dhale was also in a hurry to finish what he was writing—as he indicated to me. Also read: A new anthology of writings from south Asia celebrates marginalised voices Over the years, as my name became known in academic and literary circles, reports about me must have come to the attention of Dhale, for he commented to my cousin Nitin that 'Suraj has now become an important person". When Dhale died, the national media reached out to me to write an obituary. I was on the way to deliver a series of talks in Kolhapur. But I asked people to send me some books on Dhale and some of his original writings. I wrote the article on my journey from Aurangabad to Kolhapur, two sites driven by Ambedkar's politics. Dhale was widely read. He was among the first Dalits in the movement to actively pursue Black literature. In his young days, he dabbled in translating Black poets into Marathi. There are many such anecdotes about my father—who was my primary interlocutor to this history—and Dhale that touch my thinking and practice. The global story of caste or the story of global castes thus begins with my experience of growing up as a Dalit. It's also a story of Marathwada, India, which had the audacity to connect with the larger world. That is why the Dalit-Black nexus, which started as an investigation of literature and experience in Marathwada, became a precursor to the formation of an active political solidarity. Excerpted from 'Caste: A Global Story' with permission from Penguin Random House India. The book will be available around 30 June.


New Indian Express
26 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Israel-Iran conflict: Tel Aviv, Tehran trade air strikes as conflict enters second week; teen killed in Qom
Israel and Iran traded air strikes on Saturday as the conflict between the West Asian rivals entered its second week with a 16-year-old being killed in the Iranian city of Qom in the latest Israeli strikes. Meanwhile, the first of three chartered evacuation flights carrying Indian students from conflict-hit Iran landed safely in New Delhi late Friday night, as part of India's Operation Sindhu rescue effort. The conflict was triggered by Israel's unprovoked attack on Tehran on June 13, which killed several top military officials, senior scientists, and at least 60 civilians, including 20 children. Since then, Israel has continued to target the Islamic Republic's nuclear facilities. Tehran hit back in retaliation, launching ballistic missiles across Israel, with both countries engaging in tit-for-tat strikes targeting military and civilian infrastructure over the past seven days. Israel, the sole but undeclared nuclear power in the Middle East, has said the attacks are aimed at preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. It has also continued to publicly advocate for regime change in Tehran, including reported plans to assassinate Iran's supreme leader. Recap of key developments: 1. Indian citizens evacuated: Two chartered flights with Indian citizens who were evacuated from Iran have arrived in Delhi on Saturday under India's Operation Sindhu. 2. Death toll: Israel's strikes on Iran have so far killed at least 657 people, including at least 263 civilians, according to a US-based NGO, the Human Rights Activists News Agency, citing Iranian sources and reports. Iran's retaliatory strikes have killed at least 25 people in Israel since the war began, according to Israeli authorities. 3. Iran says 'ready for talks with US': Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has said Iran is open to continuing talks with the US once Israel's 'aggression' stops and the 'aggressor is held accountable.' 4. Israel vows prolonged campaign: Israel's armed forces chief Eyal Zamir warned that his country should be "ready for a prolonged campaign" against Iran. 5. Trump says Gabbard was wrong: Trump has said his director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, was "wrong" when she previously said there was no evidence to suggest Iran was building a nuclear weapon. 6. Israel kills 82 Palestinians in Gaza: At least 82 Palestinians, including dozens of aid seekers, were killed in Israeli attacks across Gaza on Friday, the enclave's Health Ministry said.