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Why FM is suddenly talking about Scottish independence

Why FM is suddenly talking about Scottish independence

Six weeks ago John Swinney delivered his programme for government setting out his plans for the year ahead.
Some 12 months out from the next Holyrood elections the First Minister told MSPs his focus would be on "eradicating child poverty, growing the economy, tackling the climate emergency, delivering high quality and sustainable public services".
At no point did he mention independence.
The SNP's founding goal was not noted once in his speech nor in the 46-page accompanying document.
Instead, there were announcements on scrapping peak rail fares, on creating 100,000 more GP appointments and the lifting of the blanket ban on rail passengers drinking alcohol while travelling.
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But what was also telling was that the lack of any talk around independence did not even merit any news coverage.
That's because of the implicit acceptance by the SNP, by opposition parties and by the media that independence was now "off the radar", as Nicola Sturgeon pointed out in January.
Nobody was actually expecting the SNP's fourth First Minister to say anything about independence.
Now there are strong reasons why he didn't mention it.
First, Mr Swinney's SNP has not got a majority in Holyrood with his minority government requiring the support of opposition parties to get his legislation passed.
Earlier this year the SNP - perhaps wary of giving the Greens too much influence following the collapse of the Bute House Agreement last year - struck an agreement with the Lib Dems (as well as the Greens) to support the Budget.
But Alex Cole-Hamilton's price for his party's support was that Mr Swinney's government must not spend a "penny" promoting independence nor that the government spend time debating the issue in Holyrood.
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The second reason why Mr Swinney left out independence from his programme for government is likely grounded in what polling suggests are voters' priorities - namely, cutting NHS waiting times, improving living standards and tackling the cost of living through growing the economy and improving education.
YouGov research in March put independence much lower down the list of priorities for Scots with just 14% saying it should be a top priority for the Scottish Government.
However, what may explain Mr Swinney's about turn - giving a big speech today making the case for independence - is a pressing need to motivate SNP supporters.
The same YouGov polling in March found that independence is a high priority for this group of voters ranking third as their policy priority (behind health and education).
The SNP's defeat in the Hamilton, Larkhall, Stonehouse by-election, losing the seat to Labour, saw the party's support drop there from 46% in the 2021 election to 29% on June 5.
It is certainly a wake-up call to the party - and of course Mr Swinney - showing it that the SNP needs to regain the support of a large number of former voters, some of whom may have stayed at home or voted for other parties two weeks ago.
The SNP's hope is of course that ramping up the independence message ahead of the next Holyrood election will persuade disgruntled SNP voters to back them to win again.
The First Minister will be hoping for the same outcome - and that another win will secure his own position for the next parliamentary term amid rumblings of discontent in his party.
We'll find out whether the strategy works when Scotland heads to the polls in less than a year.

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The stench of panic is overwhelming. First Minister John Swinney, humiliated by the SNP 's defeat in the recent Hamilton, Larkhall, and Stonehouse by-election, faces a revolution in his party. There have already been public calls for him to step down while, privately, colleagues have discussed a possible coup. In desperation, Mr Swinney is fighting back in the only way he knows how: by promising another push for Scottish independence. In a speech in Edinburgh yesterday afternoon, the First Minister set out what aides described as 'his vision' for what Scotland could achieve if only it was no longer part of the United Kingdom. Speaking at the Scotland 2050 conference, Mr Swinney waxed tiresome about the potential just bursting to be unleashed. It was time, he said, for Scotland 'to stand and flourish on our own two feet'. 'Independence,' said the First Minister, 'is the defining choice for this generation, have no doubt.' Like a 'clear majority' of Scots, he believed 'our nation should have the right to choose'. Of course, there is nothing especially notable about a Scottish Nationalist insisting the Union is in crisis. That mantra has existed for decades. But Mr Swinney knows not only that there is no second independence referendum on the horizon but that most Scots do not think the constitutional settlement a priority. A YouGov poll published in March showed that the question of whether Scotland should become independent sits at a lowly ninth on the list of things voters would like to see politicians deal with. More important to the overwhelming majority are such matters as the state of the NHS, the economy, the housing crisis, and the need to tackle crime. But Mr Swinney's speech was not directed at those voters. Facing the prospect of a destabilising leadership challenge, he was playing to the gallery of nationalist monomaniacs for whom independence must be achieved, no matter the cost. In common with other rigid ideologues – think supporters of former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn or hardcore Brexiteers – Scottish nationalists entertain no doubts about their convictions. To the obsessive 'Braveheart', rejection by voters – whether in a Lanarkshire by-election or a national referendum – is simply proof that they've not pushed their agenda hard enough. This crank mindset led to Corbynistas complaining they'd lost the 2017 general election to the Conservatives not because their leader was too Left-wing but because he wasn't Left-wing enough. Similarly, many SNP politicians and activists believe their party lost in Hamilton, Larkhall, and Stonehouse because Mr Swinney had not played the independence card often enough. There is no question that the First Minister made errors during the campaign which saw his party lose the seat, made vacant by the untimely death of sitting MSP Christina McKelvie, to Labour. Mr Swinney's insistence that the by-election was a two-horse race between the SNP and Reform was not merely wide of the mark, it was catastrophically wrong. In fact, the numbers show it was the collapse in the nationalist vote that allowed Reform to come third. Mr Swinney's speech in Edinburgh was straight from the Nicola Sturgeon playbook. During her nine years as leader of the SNP, Ms Sturgeon repeatedly declared that independence was just one last heave from being achieved. She promised referendums she could not deliver and she urged supporters to prepare for victory. Unfortunately, despite the undoubted passion with which Ms Sturgeon spoken on the subject, her words could not bend reality. Not only had she no power to deliver 'Indyref2', polls showed that the majority of Scots didn't want it. John Swinney now stands in the delusion zone, established by Ms Sturgeon. From there, he proclaims victory is within his grasp. The fact that the power to run another referendum remains with the UK Government is not the only bump in the road Swinney wishes to travel. His government's record of failure is another barrier to him achieving his ambition of shattering the Union. In yesterday's speech, the First Minister spoke of the ways in which Scotland had been held back by a 'broken' and 'failing' Westminster system. 'I have long believed,' he intoned, 'that Scotland is an afterthought to successive UK governments. 'Scotland is not on Westminster's radar in the same way, say, as London, the Midlands or the South East. 'It holds us back in ways big and small, leaving us waiting and praying, hoping that decisions taken at Westminster are not too damaging. 'We are prey to a broken system and a failing economic model – a system that delivers for a very few at the very top, while living standards stagnate and real wages are squeezed for the vast majority.' I have no doubt that this 'analysis' will satisfy nationalist fundamentalists for whom 'independence, nothing less' is the sole objective. But others may, I must inform Mr Swinney, have noticed that, for the past 18 years, the SNP government has taken the vast majority of decisions relating to public services in Scotland. Our NHS is not in crisis because of the actions of politicians at Westminster but because of the failure of the SNP to invest and reform. Standards in Scottish schools have not plummeted because of the decisions taken by successive Prime Ministers in London but because of the neglect of the Scottish Nationalists. Given the powers of the Scottish Government he leads, Mr Swinney's claim that Scots are 'prey' to a broken system is beyond laughable. The First Minister's characterisation of Scotland as victim of the Union is further undermined by the latest spending review, announced last week, by Chancellor Rachel Reeves, which will see Scottish Government coffers swell with an extra £9.1billion. When, two decades ago, the SNP moved from the fringes of Scottish politics to become the dominant force, the claim that the UK Government had forgotten Scotland had real power. Disillusionment with Tony Blair's Labour Government was widespread in Scotland and the Nationalists, under the late Alex Salmond, had real energy. But it's a very long time since the SNP could credibly blame 'Westminster' for Scotland's ills. Under the Nationalists, our devolved parliament has gained greater powers, including over taxation, yet these steps on the road towards independence have not improved living standards for Scots. Fighting to save his job, John Swinney wishes us to believe that Scotland will only truly prosper when it finally frees itself of the ties of Union. The truth is that the SNP government is to blame for the parlous state of Scottish public services. John Swinney and the SNP do not hold the solution to Scotland's problems. Rather, they are the cause of them.

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