
Carney Taps King Charles to Signal Canadian Strength to Trump
King Charles III is not just monarch of the United Kingdom, he is also the putative ruler of 14 other Commonwealth realms—including Canada. In that role, he paid a heavily freighted visit to his northern realm this week to deliver a message to the leader of the republic to the south.
In an act of prime ministerial ventriloquism, Prime Minister Mark Carney had Charles deliver Canada's throne speech, a ceremony in which elected politicians sit humbly in the presence of a ceremonial figurehead who reads words written by the politician who is actually in charge.
Normally, this duty is discharged by the governor general, a Canadian who represents the monarch in Canada. Mary Simon—Canada's first Indigenous governor general—would, in the normal course of events, read the speech in a little-noticed event in the sleepy Senate chamber.
But these are not normal circumstances. Rather than having Simon do the job, Carney had Charles and Queen Camilla fly in, travel to Parliament Hill in a horse-drawn carriage behind an honour guard of Mounties in a show of regal pageantry not seen in the capital since Charles' late mother, Elizabeth, opened Parliament in 1977.
Charles's presence in Ottawa was unusual. It was his 21st trip to Canada, but the first time in which he appeared in Parliament to kick off a parliamentary session with a throne speech. There was a happy and friendly crowd there to greet the royal visitors, breaking out into impromptu rounds of 'O Canada' as they waited for the royal procession, but the monarchical fever has not spread far beyond the parliamentary precinct.
Most Canadians have apathetic, if not negative, feelings about the monarchy, an institution that seems increasingly distant as the country's cultural links to Great Britain grow weaker. A poll this week found that 83% of Canadians 'don't really care,' about Charles's visit. But the seemingly archaic constitutional structures suddenly looked useful to the people running the country.
Because President Donald Trump has been threatening to annex Canada, something that he seems to believe was possible given Canada's comparatively small military, Canadians have been by turns fretful and intent on showing their resolve. Inevitably, they looked for support from the mother country, home of their head of state. But UK Prime Minister Kier Starmer has been criticized for repeatedly failing to speak up for Canadian independence. His ministers apparently pleaded with Canada to keep Charles from saying anything that might damage the relationship with the UK. But Charles is the king of Canada, as well as the UK, and Starmer could not have stopped him from going, even if he wanted to do so.
When Starmer himself visited the White House in February, hunting for a trade deal, his perfunctory gift was an invitation from the King for Trump, who described Charles as a 'beautiful man, a wonderful man.' Having observed Trump's taste for all things gold and royal, Carney used Charles to send a clear signal to Trump: the King is with us.
Charles, who is strictly limited by long constitutional tradition on what he can say about anything political (practically nothing) repeatedly demonstrated his support for Canada with coded symbols —at least until he could show up in person and deliver the message in person. Carney, speaking through Charles, acknowledged that 'many Canadians are feeling anxious and worried about the drastically changing world around.'
Through his presence, Charles reminded Canadians that Canada has a different, and independent, constitutional tradition. Through his words, he sent a signal to Trump, who Carney likely hoped was paying attention.
'We must be clear-eyed: the world is a more dangerous and uncertain place than at any point since the Second World War,' Charles said, switching easily between English and French. 'Canada is facing challenges that are unprecedented in our lifetimes."
There followed a recitation of Carney's to-do list—including faster approvals for energy projects and an ambitious home-building program—before he circled back to deliver the main message again: "As the anthem reminds us: The True North is indeed strong and free."
The words came from Carney, but the Canadians were hoping that the intended recipient of the message, in the White House, will get the message: Canadians don't want to be annexed.
Early in his second term, Trump seemed to hope for a groundswell of annexationist sentiment north of the border. However, there are now indications that Trump has realized that his northern neighbours would like to stick with their royal, perhaps albeit antiquated, traditions—and with their sovereignty.
In a tense but successful visit to the Oval Office earlier this month, Carney pointed out that some properties never go on the market: "We're sitting in one right now, Buckingham Palace that you visited, as well. And having met with the owners of Canada over the course of the campaign the last several months, it's not for sale, it won't be for sale, ever."
Trump responded by saying 'never say never.' But his new ambassador to Ottawa, Pete Hoekstra, has said that his marching orders have nothing to do with annexation, which suggests the American president may be ready to move on.
It would be foolish to predict how Trump will respond, or whether he will even notice, but Canadians and their monarch have done what they could to send the American president a clear message about their sovereignty.
Canada already has a King, and it's not Trump.
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Politico
26 minutes ago
- Politico
Thune stares down ‘Medicaid moderates'
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Joni Ernst's 'we're all going to die' response to town hall pushback about the cuts — and her decision to double down on the comments — generated days of negative headlines and ad fodder for Democrats. Mehmet Oz, the head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, told our Dasha Burns in the debut episode of her podcast 'The Conversation' that the Medicaid work requirements in the bill would 'future proof' the program. Then there are the deficit hawks. President Donald Trump over the weekend warned Sen. Rand Paul to get behind the megabill, with Paul vowing to vote against it over an included debt-limit hike. But it's not just Paul making noise. Sen. Ron Johnson is calling for a line-by-line budget review to find places to slash more spending, and Sens. Mike Lee and Rick Scott are also pushing for more cuts. Paul hinted at hard-liners' leverage Sunday on CBS' 'Face the Nation,' saying: 'I would be very surprised if the bill at least is not modified in a good direction.' 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Politico
33 minutes ago
- Politico
The ‘Medicaid moderates' are the senators to watch on the megabill
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Besides Hawley and Collins, other GOP senators including Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Jerry Moran of Kansas and Jim Justice of West Virginia have also drawn public red lines over health care — and they have some rhetorical backing from President Donald Trump, who has urged congressional Republicans to spare the program as much as possible. Based on early estimates from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, 10.3 million people would lose coverage under Medicaid if the House-passed bill were to become law — many, if not most, in red states. That could spell trouble for Majority Leader John Thune's whip count: He can only lose three GOP senators on the expected party-line vote and still have Vice President JD Vance break a tie. Republicans already have one all-but-guaranteed opponent in Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky so long as they stick to their plan to raise the debt limit as part of the bill. They also view Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson as increasingly likely to oppose the package after spending weeks blasting the bill on fiscal grounds. Meeting either senator's demands could be enormously difficult given the tight fiscal parameters through which House leaders have to squeeze the bill to advance it in their own chamber. That in turn is empowering the senators elsewhere in the GOP conference to make changes — and the Medicaid group is emerging as the key bloc to watch because of its size and its overlapping, relatively workable demands. Heeding those asks won't be easy. Republicans are counting on savings from Medicaid changes to offset hundreds of billions of dollars in tax cuts, and rolling that back is likely to create political pain elsewhere for Thune & Co., who already want to cut more than the House to assuage a sizable group of spending hawks. At the same time, Speaker Mike Johnson is insisting the Senate make only minor changes to the bill so as to maintain the delicate balance in his own narrowly divided chamber. Thune and Finance Committee Chair Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) have already acknowledged that Medicaid, covering nearly 80 million low-income Americans, will be one of the biggest sticking points as they embark this month on a rewrite of the megabill. They are talking with key members in anticipation of difficult negotiations and being careful not to draw red lines publicly. 'We want to do things that are meaningful in terms of reforming programs, strengthening programs, without affecting beneficiaries,' Thune said, echoing language used by some of the concerned senators. 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No Medicaid benefit cuts, none.'' Hawley, like Crapo, has indicated he is comfortable with work requirements, but he is pushing for two major tweaks to the House language: undoing a freeze on provider taxes, which most states use to help finance their share of Medicaid costs, and new co-payment requirements for some beneficiaries that he has been calling a 'sick tax.' The provider tax changes would present an issue with multiple senators, who fear it would exacerbate the bill's impact on state budgets and slash funding that helps keep rural hospitals afloat. Justice, a former governor, called it a 'real issue.' 'They haven't done anything to really cut into the bone except that one thing,' Justice added. 'That's gonna put a big burden on the states.' Moran grabbed the attention of his colleagues when he warned in a pointed April floor speech that making changes to Medicaid would hurt rural hospitals. A 'significant portion' of his focus, he said, 'is to make sure the hospitals have the capability and the revenues necessary to provide the services the community needs — Medicaid is a component of that.' Collins, who is up for reelection in 2026, has also left the door open to supporting work requirements, depending on how they are crafted. She has also raised concerns about the provider tax provision, noting that 'rural hospitals in my state and across the country are really teetering.' Murkowski, meanwhile, isn't as concerned about the provider tax, because Alaska is the only state that doesn't use it to help cover its share of Medicaid spending. But she has expressed alarm over the House's approach to work requirements, including a decision to speed up the implementation deadline to appease House hard-liners. She said it would be 'very challenging if not impossible' for her state to implement. As it is, any effort to water down the House's Medicaid language will face steep resistance in other corners of the GOP-controlled Senate, where lawmakers are pushing to amp up spending cuts, not scale them back. Some senators, in fact, want to further tighten the House's work requirements or reduce, not just freeze, the provider tax. 'I'd be damned disappointed if a Republican majority with a Republican president didn't make some reforms,' said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.). 'The provider tax is a money laundering machine. … If we don't go after that, we're not doing our jobs.' Ron Johnson and a few others are continuing to push to change the cost split for those Medicaid beneficiaries made eligible under the Affordable Care Act. The federal government now picks up 90 percent of the cost, and House centrists nixed an effort by conservatives to reduce it. One idea under discussion by conservatives is to phase in the change to appease skittish colleagues and state governments, but that is still likely to be a nonstarter for 50 GOP senators. Hawley warned that 'there will be no Senate bill if that is on the table.' Adam Cancryn contributed to this report.
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Trump's education secretary threatens federal civil rights lawsuit over Long Island high school being forced to ditch Chiefs mascot
She's going to the mat for the Chiefs. President Trump's Secretary of Education Linda McMahon is threatening to bring a civil rights case against the Empire State for forcing a Long Island high school to ditch its Native American mascot. The former WWE promoter called the New York Board of Regents' 2023 decision to ban Massapequa High School's beloved 'Chiefs' nickname a 'violation' of Title VI of the federal Civil Rights Act during a visit to the school Friday. If the state doesn't reverse course and allow the Chiefs and their feathered headdress logo to remain, McMahon said she would refer the issue to the Justice Department to pursue. 'That's how serious we are about it,' McMahon said inside the high school's gym after touring classrooms and telling students, 'it's a real pleasure to be in a room full of Chiefs.' She claimed New York was targeting the Chiefs, while allowing other schools with names like Vikings or Dutchmen to remain. 'If you look at the states, you've got the Huguenots, we've got the Highlanders, we've got the Scotsman. Why is that not considered in any way racist?' she asked. While McMahon and the local supporters defended the name, state officials said they were 'doing the students of Massapequa a grave disservice by ignoring the facts and true history of the local Indigenous people.' State Education Department spokesperson JP O'Hare criticized that the town has 'failed to get even the most basic facts right' — such as the feathered headdress that Massapequa displays being locally inaccurate, and that the term chief was not used in the area, either. 'And most importantly, there is no recognition of the ways in which European settlers were responsible for displacing Indigenous people from their homes,' O'Hare's statement said, adding that 'local Indigenous representatives' find that 'certain Native American names and images perpetuate negative stereotypes, and are demonstrably harmful to children.' 'Equally troubling is the fact that a U.S. Secretary of Education would take time out of her schedule to disrupt student learning in the name of political theatre.' Massapequa school board president Kerry Wachter rebutted, saying, 'They're sticking to their talking points and listening to only one side of the story.' She pointed to a 2016 poll which showed nine in 10 Native Americans do not take offense to terms like 'Redskins.' Trump, who posed with a Massapequa shirt in the Oval Office, ordered McMahon to take up the issue in April. The federal government became involved after a plea from Wachter, whose district, among other Native American-named towns on Long Island, unsuccessfully sued New York over the mandate. 'This is a school that really takes its education seriously, and they're incredibly, incredibly behind their school, behind their Chiefs,' McMahon told The Post Friday. 'I think this is wrong — what's happening at Massapequa, to take away this incredible mascot and emblem of Chiefs.' After Trump intervened, O'Hare said in a statement that Massapequa 'did not reach out to Indigenous leaders or engage with the Department's Mascot Advisory Committee to determine whether its Native American team name and mascot would be permissible.' 'If members of the Massapequa board of education are genuinely interested in honoring and respecting Long Island's Native American past, they should talk to the Indigenous people who remain on Long Island,' the rep said. 'Our regulations, in fact, specifically permit the continued use of Native American names and mascots if approved by local tribal leaders.' But Massapequa School District Superintendent Dr. William Brennan called the state's claim 'simply inaccurate.' He added that 'several attempts' were made by the district and local tribal leaders attended a roundtable in summer of 2023. Frank Black Cloud, a leading member of the Native American Guardians Association, which is working with Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman on the issue, is a firm supporter of keeping names like Chiefs in schools and calls it a term of endearment. 'People want to emulate you,' Black Cloud, who has previously defended names like Fighting Sioux and Redskins, said at the event. 'You're talking about strength, talking about being something that people uphold.' Town of Oyster Bay Supervisor Joseph Saladino, an MHS alumnus and hockey player, doubled down that this is a case of 'rules for thee but not for me' in the Empire State. 'The New York State Department of Education has someone who is the chief of staff,' he said. 'Are they going to change their name?' Massapequa's suit — a last-ditch effort to stop the district's nine schools from spending $1 million on a forced rebranding — was, ironically, dismissed by a chief justice weeks ago, Wachter explained. Salt in the wound, Seaford, the first town west of Massapequa, along with Port Washington, named their teams the Vikings, to no objection from the state of New York. Hofstra University in Nassau was previously known as the Flying Dutchmen as well. 'They have Spartans and Vikings and all these things, but they're seeing this particular group of people who are not allowed to be represented,' said Wachter, whose district also filed an amended court complaint ahead of a June deadline. 'That's a civil rights issue … We're standing tall, showing Massapequa pride, and we do take offense to them trying to take it away from us.' The town will be having a 'Save the Chiefs' fundraiser next weekend at the high school, and Black Cloud will engage in a Native American seminar at Massapequa's popular Nautilus Diner on Saturday. 'We're about education, not eradication,' said Black Cloud, who flew from his North Dakota home to meet McMahon. 'If you have an opposing idea, let me hear it. I'd like to open up a dialogue with you.'