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Unmarked vans and secret lists. The police state has arrived.

Unmarked vans and secret lists. The police state has arrived.

Japan Times14-04-2025

"It's the unmarked cars,' a friend who grew up under an Argentine dictatorship said. He had watched the video of Columbia graduate student Mahmoud Khalil's abduction. In the video, which Khalil's wife recorded, she asks for the names of the men in plainclothes who handcuffed her husband.
"We don't give our name,' one responds. "Can you please specify what agency is taking him?' she pleads. No response. We know now that Khalil was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, an agency of the Department of Homeland Security.
Those of us who have lived in countries terrorized by a secret police force can't shake a feeling of dreadful familiarity. "I never realized until this moment how much fear I carried with me from my childhood in communist Romania,' another friend, literary scholar Marianne Hirsch, told me. "Arrests were arbitrary and every time the doorbell rang, I started to shiver.'
It's the catastrophic interruption of daily life, as when a Tufts University graduate student, Rumeysa Ozturk, was grabbed on a suburban street by a half dozen plainclothes agents, most of them masked. The security camera video of that arrest shows Ozturk walking, looking at her phone, perhaps to check the address where she was supposed to meet her friends for dinner that night, when an agent appears in front of her. She says something — asks something — struggling to control her voice, and within seconds she is handcuffed and placed in an unmarked car.
It's the forced mass transports of immigrants. These are not even deportations, in the way we typically think of them. Rather than being sent to their country of origin, Venezuelans were sent to El Salvador, where they are being imprisoned, indefinitely, without due process. It's the sight of men being marched in formation, their heads shaved, hundreds of people yanked from their individual lives to be reduced to an undifferentiated mass. It's the sight, days later, of the secretary of homeland security posing against the background of men in cages and threatening more people with the same punishment.
It's the growing irrelevance of the law and the helplessness of judges and lawyers. A federal judge ordered flights carrying the Venezuelan men to be turned around and demanded information about the abductees. Another federal judge forbade the government to deport, without notice, Rasha Alawieh, the Brown University medical school professor who was detained on return from a trip to Lebanon. Another judge prohibited moving Rumeysa Ozturk from Massachusetts without notice. The executive branch apparently ignored these rulings.
It's the chilling stories that come by word of mouth. ICE is checking documents on the subway. ICE is outside New York public libraries that hold English-as-a-second-language classes. ICE agents handcuffed a U.S. citizen who tried to intervene in a detention in New York City. ICE vehicles are parked outside Columbia University. ICE is coming to your workplace, your street, your building. ICE agents are wearing brown uniforms that resemble those of UPS — don't open the door for deliveries. Don't leave the house. The streets in the New York neighborhoods with the highest immigrant populations have emptied out.
It's the invisible hand of the authorities. Media outlet Zeteo reports that Homeland Security employees are revoking foreign students' status in the database that's usually maintained by universities. (Normally, once a person has entered the country on a valid academic visa, they have the right to stay as long as they remain in the program for which the visa was granted — this is what university administrators track.) These changes have reportedly been made with no notification and in the absence of any transparent process.
Of course, the Department of Homeland Security, when it was created in the wake of 9/11, was meant to function in opaque ways and with broad authority; it was designed to be a secret-police force. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has bragged to reporters about revoking the legal status of upward of 300 people and promised there would be more: "We're looking every day for these lunatics.'
It's the shifting goal posts. They are taking not only people who are in the United States without legal status but also those who are here on a visitor's visa and then also legal permanent residents. They are targeting not only people who have criminal convictions but also those whom they say they suspect of belonging to a gang and also those who participated in or supported campus protests and then also someone, like Ozturk, who merely wrote, with three other people, an opinion essay in a student newspaper.
And then there was a German green card holder at Boston's Logan Airport who was allegedly stripped and deprived of sleep and his medications by Customs and Border Protection — actions that could fit the legal definition of torture. (The agency has denied the allegations.) And a Canadian with a job offer who was detained at the southern border and held for 12 days. And another German, a tourist, who was detained at the southern border and held for more than six weeks. And a Russian biomedical researcher at Harvard University who was detained coming back from France and has been in the infamous detention facility in Louisiana for over a month.
It's the way we dig down for the details of these stories to reassure ourselves that this won't happen to us or that there is some logic to these arrests. The German man had a misdemeanor charge a decade ago. The Canadian was possibly using a crossing not meant for people submitting work visa applications. The other German, a tattoo artist, was carrying her equipment and customs agents might have suspected that she was planning to work illegally. The Russian scientist was bringing in frog embryos that the Department of Homeland Security says she did not declare properly. When the range of factors that can get a person arrested stretches from political speech to a paperwork error, we are in territory described by the Russian saying, "Give us a person and we'll find the infraction.'
And, as historian Timothy Snyder has pointed out, if due process is routinely denied to noncitizens, it will be denied to citizens too, simply because it is often impossible for people to prove that they are citizens. This has happened before, when an unknown number of U.S. citizens were caught up in the deportations of hundreds of thousands of Mexican Americans in the late 1920s and 1930s.
It's the lists. More than anything else, in fact, it's the lists. A private company has launched an app called ICERAID, billed as a "protocol that delegates intelligence-gathering tasks to citizens that would otherwise be undertaken by law enforcement agencies.' The app promises rewards for "capturing and uploading images of criminal illegal alien activity' and possibly even bigger rewards for self-reporting - for adding oneself to the ICERAID registry if one is "an honest, hardworking undocumented immigrant with no criminal history.' The app, in other words, combines two time-tested secret-police techniques: incentivizing some people to denounce their neighbors and inducing others to add themselves to registries.
The state appears to have outsourced surveillance. A Columbia professor shared an Instagram story by Chinese dissident artist Ai Weiwei that showed Elon Musk's "X' symbol rotating and morphing into a swastika. The professor did it on personal time, from a personal residence, to a personal account. An Instagram story lives only for 24 hours; someone was watching. It was reported to the university; three months passed before the professor was cleared. Then the professor's name and picture, along with a new inventory of ostensible offenses, popped up on one of those lists of supposedly antisemitic faculty members. There was, of course, nothing antisemitic about the Instagram story or the rest of it. The professor, like so many of the people on these lists, is Jewish.
Late last month, mere minutes after Columbia announced the name of its new interim president, Claire Shipman, an entity that calls itself Documenting Jew Hatred on Campus addressed Shipman on X: "We have identified faculty members' who, the group believes, should be purged. The self-appointed enforcers are vigilant. This, too, is a hallmark of a secret-police state.
The citizens of such a state live with a feeling of being constantly watched. They live with a sense of random danger. Anyone — a passerby, the man behind you in line at the deli, the woman who lives down the hall, your building's super, your own student, your child's teacher — can be a plainclothes agent or a self-appointed enforcer. People live in growing isolation and with the feeling of low-level dread, and these are the defining conditions of living in a secret-police state. People lose the ability to plan for the future, because they feel that they have no control over their lives and they try to make themselves invisible. They move through the world without looking, for fear of seeing too much.
But while we are still capable of looking, we have to say what we see: The United States has become a secret-police state. Trust me, I've seen it before.
M. Gessen is an opinion columnist for The New York Times who won a George Polk Award for opinion writing in 2024 and is the author of 11 books, including 'The Future Is History: How Totalitarianism Reclaimed Russia,' which won the National Book Award in 2017. © 2025 The New York Times Company
This article originally appeared in The New York Times © 2025 The New York Times Company

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After Putin came to power in 1999, he gradually clamped down on independent media in the country. Martynyuk read, listened to and watched Voice of America's work as a young man in the early 2000s, and he learned English through a program at the time titled Special English. His history with the network goes back much further: His grandfather was a colonel in the Soviet Army, stationed in Lviv in the 1970s. At night, he would listen to VOA on the radio – in secret. Martynyuk applied to work for VOA's fact-checking team, Polygraph. At the time of his firing, Polygraph employed one editor and three reporters, all of whom either received or had applied for political asylum. Stacy Caplow, a Brooklyn Law School professor, who – along with students in her clinic – helped Martynyuk apply for asylum, told The Post that he was the quintessential asylum seeker. 'This was the kind of case where if they didn't grant asylum, there would be something wrong with the system,' she said. 'It's clear-cut. Asylum is designed for people like him.' For foreign-born journalists who have found refuge not just in the U.S. but at Voice of America, losing their jobs feels like an existential threat – one that could stop them from working every day to speak truth to power, for the first time in their careers. Nik Yarst, a video producer on the fact-checking team, also lost his job on May 30. Yarst was a Sochi-based correspondent for the Public Television of Russia, also known as OTR, and reported extensively on corruption in Russia during the Olympics. He and a cameraman were driving to an interview with a Russian official when he was stopped by Russian police, who found narcotics in his car. Yarst, who later tested negative for a drug test, said the police slid the drugs into his car to arrest him. He served a year on house arrest, while his legal battle continued, and faced a 10-year prison sentence if convicted. 'After the Olympic Games were done, I decided to escape from the Russia,' Yarst told The Post. 'I asked for the political asylum here in the United States because I truly believed here the independent media exists. Here is freedom of speech. And I have to escape from Russia because I was facing prison or death.' Rachel Denber, deputy director of the Europe and Central Asia division at Human Rights Watch, said Russia was a different country back then – 'still quite authoritarian,' but there were still independent journalists, news organizations and human rights organizations. 'This was a time you could still operate in Russia, but Krasnodar region was one of the toughest to operate and had a very, very harsh governor who really went after journalists,' said Denber, who has known Yarst for many years and documented his story. 'Nik, sadly, was no exception.' Yarst worked on an investigative story involving the kidnapping of a 6-year-old girl who had received a large inheritance, including land in the zone designated for construction of the Sochi Olympics. 'Her mother was murdered – before that, she had been threatened – and the girl was taken to Abkhazia,' Yarst told The Post. 'Her grandmother fought in court, trying to restore justice. We were helping her. That case was a boiling point.' The story, which involved allegations of corruption and improper land seizure by the government, made him a target. In the U.S., Yarst – now based in Miami – first flew to New York and stayed at a hostel for a month, choosing to start his life over in a new country. Human rights organizations heard about his case and contacted him, connecting him with a lawyer and to resources from the Committee to Protect Journalists and other organizations. He received asylum in 2017, and he found employment at Voice of America. 'VOA was the one service who could hire people like me,' he said. He feels not betrayed but disappointed by the government. President Donald Trump, 'during his campaign, he talked a lot about the swamp, about corrupt people,' Yarst said. 'But these are not corrupt people who are out on the street.' When Fatima Tlis arrived in America, she resettled in Erie, Pennsylvania, through the work of the International Institute of Erie, now the Erie field office of the nonprofit U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants. It helped her learn English, get a Social Security card and establish credit. She couldn't get a car, so she and her two children would ride bicycles through the rural roads of northeast Pennsylvania to Walmart for groceries, which they loaded into backpacks. 'Of course, in Pennsylvania, nobody cares that you're some kind of a famous journalist,' she told The Post. When she found out her fellowship application to Harvard University's Carr-Ryan Center for Human Rights had been accepted, she broke down sobbing. Before that, in Russia, Tlis reported for both independent Russian media and the U.S.-based Associated Press, particularly about issues in the Caucasus. She said Russian security forces harassed her, detained her, tortured her and once put her in a hidden room in a police station that she called a 'cage.' It was 12 feet long, but only four feet wide, and had a door with thick iron bars, through which she could see a portrait of Putin on the wall. After that, a former classmate who worked for the Russian security forces, stopped her on the street one day and warned her that her name was on a list and urged her to flee the country. 'What list?' Tlis replied. 'You remember your friend Anna Politkovskaya?' she recalls him asking. 'She was on the same list – and those lists never expire.' Politkovskaya, a journalist and human rights activist critical of Putin, was assassinated in 2006. Tlis joined Voice of America in 2010 after two years of fellowships at Harvard, including the prestigious Nieman Fellowship. At the time of Trump's executive order in March dismantling the USAGM, she was the supervisory editor in charge of Polygraph and the team's only full-time employee. The others worked full time but were designated as personal services contractors, who are easier to hire and fire. As of now, she still has a job. Lake sent her plans for a reduction in force at the USAGM to Congress on June 3, a move that would eliminate all but 80 staffers at the agency and fewer than 20 at Voice of America. About 1,300 people worked at VOA before the March executive order. Tlis said that – beyond Polygraph – she personally knows of more than a dozen asylum holders or seekers at Voice of America. Lake did not respond to a request for comment about the asylum holders that have or could be fired. 'The people who were working on my team, journalists who, because of their job, endured the impossible just to be able to support the truth in their countries,' Tlis said. 'Still, after all of that they remained true to their profession, to their mission, and wanted to continue fighting lies and falsehoods and unmasking disinformation. Those people are getting fired right now.'

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