logo
Federal government ends MMIWG funding to northern prosecution offices

Federal government ends MMIWG funding to northern prosecution offices

CBC29-01-2025

Social Sharing
The Public Prosecution Service of Canada (PPSC) says special funding it used to support victims of sexual violence in all three territories — which originally stemmed from the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls — has ended.
The $23.5 million was initially allocated in the federal government's 2021 budget, and was slated to last for three years. An email obtained by CBC News shows that the federal government's decision not to renew it is leaving a 25 per cent hole in the PPSC's budget in Nunavut alone.
According to the prosecution service's 2022-23 departmental plan, the money was intended to "improve the level of justice provided to Indigenous victims, witnesses and communities experiencing sexual violence and intimate partner violence" in the territories.
In an email, the prosecution service's communications director, Alessia Bongiovanni, confirmed the money had ended in the 2023-24 fiscal year and had not been renewed.
Anne Crawford, a lawyer with 40 years of experience in the North, said the funding change will have a negative effect on the Crown's credibility in northern communities — and she doesn't understand why it's happening now.
"We are very much mistaken if we think that the issues revealed in the [National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls] have been resolved by a couple years of funding," said Crawford, who has worked in criminal, civil, territorial and Indigenous law.
"If this was post-election and priorities were being realigned … you'd say OK, well that's where this is coming from," said Crawford. "It just strikes me that it's a glitch somewhere high up that somebody doesn't realize the impact [of]."
CBC News arranged interviews with the chief prosecutors of each territory in mid-January. Bongiovanni then cancelled the interviews on their behalf.
"We are working towards reorganizing our resources within the current money allocation in a way that will meet our mandate, while at the same time minimizing disruptions to the communities we serve," she wrote.
Canada's Finance Minister Dominic LeBlanc and Justice Minister Arif Virani declined interviews about the funding decision. Anna Lisa Lowenstein, a spokesperson for Virani, said in an email that "sexual violence anywhere is despicable, and location should never be a barrier to receiving justice."
"We remain committed to supporting the safety and security of all victims, witnesses and communities across Canada, including in the North," the statement reads.
Lawyer worries important programs at risk
The funding has been used for programs like specialized prosecution teams launched in Nunavut and the N.W.T to handle sexual assault cases.
In a press release about the creation of the N.W.T.'s team in May 2022, the Public Prosecution Service said it would be staffed with two senior prosecutors who have "extensive experience" working with people who are victims or witnesses of sexual violence.
The team would oversee all cases related to sexual assault, it said at the time, and would also help other prosecutors to prepare for cases, work on prosecution strategies and make sentencing recommendations.
In an interview in October, the N.W.T.'s chief federal prosecutor Alex Godfrey said the team was expected to grow to three people in 2025.
Nunavut, which had a sexual assault rate that was nearly six times the national average in 2018 according to Statistics Canada, launched its own specialized prosecution team in April 2024. At the time, it consisted of four prosecutors, two paralegals and a rotation of witness co-ordinators.
The special teams are just one example, said Crawford, of programs that were bridging the gap between communities and prosecutions. That's the type of program she now worries is at risk because the MMIWG funding is gone.
In other parts of Canada, she said, prosecutors, police and decision-makers grow up in the same places where they end up working. In the North, prosecutors, police and decision-makers often come from elsewhere.
"There is a gap that requires trust and investment to bridge," she said. "Every time we remove services like this … we enhance that gap and we enhance the cynicism and the lack of trust that we have already created in [the] community."
Crawford said she wonders if the decision was made by someone who doesn't realize the federal Crown is the only prosecuting body in the northern territories, unlike in the provinces where there are provincial Crowns too.
She's also concerned the Nunavut prosecution office may not be able to keep all its prosecutors, and that it'll be those with the least seniority — recent Inuit grads — who'll lose work.
'There will be changes'
An email from Philippe Plourde, Nunavut's chief federal prosecutor, obtained by CBC News said the funding's end meant the PPSC's Nunavut office had a 25 per cent hole in its budget.
"There will be changes made to the office in the near future," he wrote in the Jan. 6 communication. "We are being asked to consider all solutions, and to be resourceful to make do with less."
Plourde also asked people who were considering moving south or changing their employment in the next year to let him know, so that those changes could be accounted for in planning.
Crawford said she hasn't seen Plourde's email herself, but she's heard of it. She also said the PPSC now has a 25 per cent hole in its budget in each of its territorial offices — not just in Nunavut.
CBC News reached out to the PPSC to verify the Jan. 6 email, the information within it, and whether each office had a quarter of its funding removed.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Doug Ford won't be the only one feeling the heat this summer
Doug Ford won't be the only one feeling the heat this summer

Toronto Star

time6 hours ago

  • Toronto Star

Doug Ford won't be the only one feeling the heat this summer

Ontario's long, hot summer of 2025 just got hotter. And longer. Not just for Doug Ford. The premier's political rivals will also be facing the heat, each in their own way. MPPs headed home this week with a surprise: Ford's Tories told them to stay away until Oct. 20. That's a sweet summer break lasting nearly 20 weeks for provincial politicians who sat in their legislative seats for only six weeks this year. Another seven weeks of work awaits them upon their return, after which they're back home for the Christmas break. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW Total time at work in the legislature: 13 weeks out of 52 for the whole year. The ready excuse? Ford's Tories argue they've produced so much 'ambitious' legislation to date that they need more time to recharge. The real explanation? The premier has provoked so much antagonism to his controversial plan for 'special economic zones' — a new law to dilute old laws — that he's better off lying low. Ford's mishandling of the issue sparked warnings from Indigenous leaders that protests will flare over the summer. Away from the daily question period in the legislature, Ford can talk about standing up to Donald Trump instead of taking questions about trampling on rights of First Nations. All that said, if tensions rise, it could complicate Ford's plans to host his fellow premiers in Muskoka at their annual summit meeting in mid-July. Instead of the usual banter, there could be blockades pitting protesters against politicians — and cottagers. Ford won't be the only one on the firing line. Any highway blockades would also put Ontario's opposition leaders on the spot, forcing them to pick a lane — or, more precisely, restate their stance when the stakes are high. New Democratic Party Leader Marit Stiles and Liberal Leader Bonnie Crombie, choosing their words carefully, have said they won't side with civil disobedience on the highways. Not when motorists are fuming under the baking sun. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW As Ontario's populist premier has noted, blockades rarely win public support. Either way, Ford will spend much of the summer watching his rivals face the heat while he cools off at his cottage. With or without the drumbeat of First Nations protests, both Stiles and Crombie will be facing the music in leadership reviews mandated by their parties after every election. New Democrats will meet on Sept. 20 in Niagara Falls — Canada's honeymoon capital — to vote on the post-honeymoon future of Stiles after the Feb. 27 loss to Ford. Despite losing seats and stature in the election — her party stumbled and tumbled in the popular vote — Stiles seems sure to prevail. Most activists understand their party was predestined to decline in an election called early by Ford to capitalize on anti-American animus. Provincially as federally, New Democrats suffered from a political squeeze play as polarized voters opted for a binary choice between Tories and Liberals to cope with economic uncertainty. In the aftermath, the NDP fell from a competitive 23.7 per cent of the popular vote in the 2022 election to a dismal 18.6 per cent this time. The only saving grace was the final seat count. While New Democrats dropped to 27 seats from 31, the Liberals came third with only 14 seats — despite winning a far higher 30 per cent of the popular vote (up from 23.9 per cent in 2022). For Crombie, the failure to win her own riding — or any seats — in her home base of Mississauga, where she once served as mayor, proved an embarrassment. In truth, Stiles was dragged down by the declining fortunes of the federal NDP under former leader Jagmeet Singh. So too, Crombie was lifted up by the remarkable popularity of Carney's federal Liberals. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW While federal-provincial crossover is a constant in Ontario politics, Crombie's Mississauga shutout leaves her with a lot of explaining to do. Now, she too faces a party leadership review in September — and a long, hot summer of reaching out to provincial Liberals who are wondering who does what next. Yet her future depends less on past performance than on future prospects. The problem for both Stiles and Crombie is that if another election were held now, Ford would do even better. A key difference is that Crombie's Liberals are positioned to fare better than the New Democrats under Stiles. The latest Leger poll shows Ford's Tories preferred by 45 per cent of respondents (up from 43 per cent in the February vote). That compares to 32 per cent for the Liberals (up from 30 per cent), versus 15 per cent for the NDP (down from 18.6 per cent in the election). You can do the math. Crombie's Liberals are more than twice as popular as the New Democrats, and Ford's Tories are precisely three times more popular. Which explains why Ford will be sitting pretty this summer while Stiles and Crombie will be stuck in their respective hot seats, looking over their shoulders. Politics Headlines Newsletter Get the latest news and unmatched insights in your inbox every evening Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. Please enter a valid email address. Sign Up Yes, I'd also like to receive customized content suggestions and promotional messages from the Star. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy. This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Politics Headlines Newsletter You're signed up! You'll start getting Politics Headlines in your inbox soon. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page.

Calls to action
Calls to action

Winnipeg Free Press

time12 hours ago

  • Winnipeg Free Press

Calls to action

A trio of books on reconciliation were all released within the span of a few weeks ahead of the summer publishing season. Who are they each for? Readers wanting to learn more about their role in the 94 calls to action in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), but who are unsure where to start, might find one or more of these titles a valuable resource, depending on their current base of knowledge and what they hope to get out of it. ● ● ● Kathryne Langsford photo Bruce McIvor Kathryne Langsford photo Bruce McIvor Bruce McIvor (Standoff: Why Reconciliation Fails Indigenous People and How to Fix It) is Red River Métis, an adjunct professor at UBC law school and a founder and senior partner at First Peoples Law. He wrote Indigenous Rights in One Minute which covers, concisely, over 100 different legal concepts, court decisions and pieces of legislation related to Indigenous rights. The central conceit, from which McIvor does not waver, is that each item — from the Doctrine of Discovery to Section 35 to the Haida Decision — is covered in about one minute of reading or less. Indigenous Rights in One Minute Indigenous Rights in One Minute The attorney and author briefly covers the history and current legal relevance of every legal footnote that contributes to the current judicial and legislative understanding of the rights of Indigenous people as well as Indigenous Peoples, each one in a page or two. With a detailed table of contents as well as a glossary, index and list of further reading, the book is certainly set up to act as a handy reference text for non-lawyers who nevertheless may be affected by, or otherwise desiring to be aware of, the relevant case law. It might also be a crucial resource for many working in or with advocacy organizations, or Indigenous and non-Indigenous governments. While it is very possible to jump around in the text, there is a throughline here. Reading the book from front to back builds in the reader a sense of the general shape of Indigenous rights in Canada, its current state, the historical forces that have shaped those rights and the directions it might move towards in the future. McIvor warns at the very beginning that he has a point of view and that he will share it. But even his editorial comments are brief and evidence-based. The one-minute constraint doesn't allow him to add many rhetorical flourishes, and blunt observations, such as that Aboriginal title is intentionally limited 'to ensure it doesn't become an insurmountable obstacle to removing Indigenous people from their lands so those lands can be exploited by non-Indigenous people,' are hard to deny on the facts. The courtroom battles Indigenous individuals and communities have been taking on against the Canadian government mirror the extensive legal work taken on by American Civil Rights activists since the 1960s. For a non-lawyer to make a proper survey of even a small field of law is not easy, and there's so much hard-to-find information packed in here, it's easy to imagine this slim layperson's reference volume will become a permanent resident of any shelves it lands upon. ● ● ● Supplied photo Rose LeMay Supplied photo Rose LeMay For first-time author Rose LeMay, the complete opposite approach made the most sense when writing Ally Is a Verb. LeMay is Tlingit, still operates in her First Nation's homeland in B.C. and has made a career as a speaker and corporate trainer specializing in practical steps allies can take in implementing the TRC's Calls to Action for reconciliation. Her book often reads like it could be spoken aloud in a meeting space — the writing is dynamic, conversational and passionate. If McIvor thought it necessary to note that he is not impartial on the topics he writes about, LeMay's point of view is so immediately clear that any such disclaimer would be unnecessary. In her second chapter, Unpacking the Great Canadian Lie, LeMay muses about whether a bloodier but briefer direct military conflict — such as occurred between Indigenous Peoples and the United States army, especially throughout the 19th century — might actually have been preferable in some ways to what actually occurred in this country. At least then, she reckons, the enemy would have been clearly identifiable. Instead, bearing the pretended benevolence of the Indian Act, LeMay writes that, 'Canada walked in smiling and held out its hand to shake, while the other hand was stealing our children and our land.' Ally is a Verb Ally is a Verb LeMay modelled her book on the change management approach she uses as a trainer: you explain the problem, present a solution and get people on board with being part of that solution. So she spends some of the first few chapters with a primer on the history of Indigenous Peoples' mistreatment at the hands of the Canadian government, from pre-Confederation to the Indian Act to residential schools, of which many in her own family were survivors. But before even this, LeMay spends some time in the opening chapter discussing the idea of reconciliation itself and how it can look, comparing Canada to three other countries that went through this process: Germany took a court-based approach post-Holocaust in the Nuremberg Trials, South Africa formed its own Truth and Reconciliation Commission after apartheid and Rwanda, after the 1994 genocide, landed somewhere in between. LeMay makes some thoughtful observations about the advantages and disadvantages of each approach, noting that our own government-created TRC had the effect of casting Canada itself as an observer and facilitator, neatly sidestepping the role of either perpetrator or defendant. These comparisons comprise some of the strongest insights of the book, and it's a good initial framing to set up subsequent chapters. The book also has some weak spots that probably stem from being adapted from oral content polished over the course of many live workshops and keynotes, and not undergoing all the changes appropriate to a written book-length format. Some chapters are veritably packed with a minutiae of stray observations that would make a real-time discussion more dynamic but make a written argument more muddled. At times quotes that aren't real quotes but rather air-quoted imitations of a hypothetical person or anthropomorphized institution (e.g., the Government of Canada) are written down using actual quotation marks. LeMay's book seems geared towards use in organizations for internal training. The chapters each end with a list of next steps and resources for further reading, making them well-suited as a ready-out-of-the-box corporate training program, wherein a facilitator or team leader might assign a chapter and set a meeting each week to discuss. Though one imagines most organizations would do better to hire LeMay to run the training herself, if they have the budget. ● ● ● Mike Deal / Free Press files David A. Robertson Mike Deal / Free Press files David A. Robertson David. A Robertson (the Misewa Saga; 7 Generations, a Plains Cree Saga) is the most experienced author of the group, having written numerous graphic novels as well as several works of fiction and non-fiction. He is a member of Norway House Cree Nation on his father's side but was raised mainly in Winnipeg, where he is still based. The idea of 52 Ways to Reconcile is to take one step towards reconciliation every week, with enough chapters to fill a full year, though that doesn't mean the book can't be read faster than that. Indeed, the engaging style makes it hard to stop after one short chapter. 52 Ways to Reconcile 52 Ways to Reconcile As with McIvor's book, 52 Ways could potentially be read out of order; after all, there's no reason that checking out an Indigenous restaurant (Week #33) can't come before engaging with Indigenous social media (Week #3). But there is a personal narrative threaded throughout 52 Ways, and to pick and choose chapters and not read the whole thing would be a shame. Robertson provides a mix of ways to advance reconciliation, some easier and others more involved. They may include putting either your time or money where your mouth is by supporting Indigenous communities or groups, learning an important lesson on land acknowledgements or unchecked idioms, or supporting and enjoying Indigenous creators in a variety of contexts, from film to music to podcasts to food to tourism to comics. Every chapter includes both a heartfelt case for why a given task is worth doing, another little bit of the author's personal journey in advancing reconciliation and a number of specific examples of where you can get started on any given week's suggestion. Robertson already consumes a lot of Indigenous media, supports a lot of Indigenous organizations and follows a lot of Indigenous sport teams, so he is not short on examples. Want a good podcast that will teach you about missing and murdered Indigenous women; a good Indigenous non-fiction, fiction or comic book writer; country band; jazz band; or electronica band? Robertson has at least one suggestion, but usually offers several. Of the three books covered here, Robertson's 52 Ways to Reconcile is probably the most universally accessible; indeed it should appeal to almost anyone. Of course that doesn't mean that any two, or even all three, of these books aren't worth picking up depending on what the reader wants to get out of each title, and how much reading time they have available. Joel Boyce is a Winnipeg writer and educator.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store