
Retailleau Reluctantly Visits the Grand Mosque of Paris Under Pressure
French Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau finally visited the Grand Mosque of Paris as a guest, following weeks of controversy surrounding his refusal to attend an iftar dinner last Ramadan, as he also serves as Minister of Religions.
The dean of the Paris Mosque posted a video of the Interior Minister touring the mosque's courtyard and corridors. In it, he received explanations from Chams-eddine Hafiz about some of the expressive paintings hanging on the mosque's walls. His expression showed his embarrassment due to his remarks about a month ago while justifying his failure to attend the iftar meal, which had been extended to him by the mosque's deanship.
That day, Retailleau was asked why he had not accompanied his government colleague, Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs Jean-Noël Barrot, to the iftar. His only response was that the event was unofficial, which prompted him to decline the invitation, unlike his government colleague. However, this justification did not go unchallenged by political and media circles in France.
Later, it emerged that the justifications offered by the Interior Minister, known for his far-right and anti-Islam positions, were false. A video circulated showing him standing next to a cleric in a church. He also visited a synagogue. Another video showed him saying, 'If there's a mosque I should visit, it's the Saint Sophia Mosque in Istanbul,' referring to the Hagia Sophia Mosque, which was originally a Byzantine Orthodox church before the city was conquered by Mehmed II the Conqueror in 1453 AD. He said this jokingly, but observers understood it instantly before landing, as the Algerian proverb goes.
The French Interior Minister's visit to the Paris Mosque came under intense pressure from the Muslim community in France, along with non-right-wing political parties, due to his mishandling of the horrific crime that claimed the life of a young Muslim, Aboubakar Cissé, in a mosque at the hands of a right-wing extremist. He did not travel to the crime scene until two days later, which, as Minister of Religions, caused outrage among members of the Muslim community.
Retailleau's behaviour regarding the crime was scandalous, drawing harsh criticism even from far-right media outlets, most notably CNews, where one of its journalists attacked him in an interview, asking him: 'Would you have acted this way if the crime had taken place in a church or a synagogue?'
In the same context, Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau was scheduled to meet with a delegation including members of the family of the young Muslim killed in the mosque. However, the meeting did not take place due to anger among the victim's family, along with the Muslim community, over the French minister's handling of the crime. The family's lawyer advised them not to meet with Retailleau, which they did. The meeting with the minister, which was scheduled for Monday, May 5, 2025, was rejected, according to the French channel BFMTV. This prompted the Interior Minister to limit himself to meeting with some members of the Malian community in France.
Aminata Konate-Boune, a spokeswoman for Aboubakar Cissé's family, told AFP, commenting on the meeting: 'He (Retailleau) seems to be in contact with some representatives of the Malian community, but not with the family.' Meanwhile, members of the Muslim community have grown increasingly angry at Bruno Retailleau's stance on the crime.
The dean of the Grand Mosque of Paris, Chems-eddine Hafiz, said in the eulogy: 'We, the Muslims of France, expect more than mere statements. This crime is not a passing event, but rather an act of hatred and extreme violence, interspersed with anti-Islamic insults… It is an anti-Islamic attack and a terrorist crime.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


El Chorouk
04-06-2025
- El Chorouk
Debate on Colonial Crimes and Their Impact on the Algerian-French Crisis
In line with the French historian of Algerian origin, Benjamin Stora, who argues that the memory file can help ease tensions between Algeria and Paris, two countries experiencing an unprecedented political and diplomatic crisis, the French capital is hosting a debate on the French colonization of Algeria and its impact on the current disputes between the two capitals. The roundtable discussion will take place on June 14 in Paris, under the title 'The French Colonisation's Past in Algeria and the Current Diplomatic Dispute Between the Two Countries.' It will feature well-known historians, academics, and journalists in France, including Alain Riscio (historian), Jean-Pierre Sereni (journalist at Orient XXI), a French historian of Algerian origin, Nedjib Sidi Moussa, sociologist Aïssa Kadri, jurist Mouloud Boumgar, and moderated by the Egyptian journalist (PhD in French Literature) and editor in chief of the leading newspaper of the Arab and Muslim community. The round table discussion is prepared and organised by the Association for Colonial and Postcolonial History, in collaboration with Orient XXI magazine and , to 'decode the current crisis between France and Algeria.' The Association for Colonial and Postcolonial History is known for its tireless efforts to combat colonialist ideology and call for rectifying the disasters of colonialism by offering an apology to the peoples affected by it. Organisers open the debate for the public with free admission at the International Centre for Popular Culture in Paris, on Saturday, June 14, from 3 p.m. to 5 p.m. The title of this debate highlights the extent of the impact that France's colonial past has had on Algeria, which has been escalating since last summer. The work of the mixed committee on memory was halted, coinciding with Algeria's recall of its ambassador, Mohamed-Antar Daoud, from Paris, following French President Emmanuel Macron's shift in position on the Western Sahara issue. A few days ago, historian Benjamin Stora, who chairs the French Memory Commission, said that the memory issue 'represents a possible way out of the crisis, and is indispensable in any case, and necessary in any case, because we cannot consider the Algerian history to be like all others.' On this occasion, he called for working towards a quick settlement: 'We need strong initiatives, especially regarding the issue of the French colonisation of Algeria in the nineteenth century. But today, in my opinion, considering the possibility of launching initiatives on memory could serve as an alternative to resuming political relations, which is necessary to resolve immigration or visa issues.' Benjamin Stora is presented as an advisor to the French president on memory matters. He has previously blamed the French side for the ongoing tensions, accusing Macron personally of causing the crisis in a previous interview with France 24, where he stated: 'First, it is important to note that French President Emmanuel Macron's statement regarding the Moroccan regime's (alleged) sovereignty over the Sahrawi territories has added fuel to the fire.' Since the outbreak of the crisis, French officials have not stopped demanding the resumption of work on the memory file. However, the Algerian side has shown no response. Rather, it has raised its demands for the return of all the looted Algerian archives in French vaults, as stated by the head of the Algerian memory commission, Mohamed Zeghidi. The possibility of resuming work on this file appeared on the horizon after the visit that led the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jean-Noël Barrot, to Algeria on April 6th. However, the recklessness of Bruno Retailleau, the Interior Minister in the government of François Bayrou, by kidnapping an Algerian consular employee in a Parisian street outside diplomatic norms, brought the crisis back to square one. This incident also revealed the existence of a real crisis in the decision-making circles in Paris, and that the French President had lost control of things, even if some tried to talk about a well-crafted scenario for exchanging political roles in relations with the former colony.


El Chorouk
03-06-2025
- El Chorouk
The fragmentation of decision-making sources in Paris portends something more dangerous
The words and actions of the French authorities do not entirely align when it comes to relations with Algeria. While both French President Emmanuel Macron and his Foreign Minister, Jean-Noël Barrot, claim to be keen on relations with Algeria, other French institutions adopt a different approach, leading to doubts about the intentions of decision-makers in Paris. A statement from the Algerian Council of the Nation, headed by Mr. Azzouz Nasseri, addressed to its French counterpart following the latter's repeated provocations towards Algeria, confirmed that the French authorities do not intend to put bilateral relations back on track, as long as there are responsible parties in Paris working to sabotage these relations. When an Algerian stance is issued that sovereignly defends the Algerian state, voices rise in the former colony, condemning what they consider 'Algeria's insult to France,' a famous phrase uttered by French Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau last January, when an Algerian national was deported outside the laws and diplomatic norms in force between the two countries, which are governed by bilateral agreements. Days after the French Senate received the terrorist fugitive from Algerian justice, Ferhat Mehenni, for the second time in less than a month, some French circles emerged lamenting what they claimed were the pressures faced by the French embassy in Algeria, exactly as happened after Algeria expelled 12 employees from the French embassy in Algiers, in response to the showy arrest of an Algerian consular official in Paris, outside of laws and norms. The French are now talking about pressures they claim their embassy and its annexes in Algeria are facing, in the latest leak from an unnamed French diplomat, reported by Le Monde on Tuesday, June 3, in an article titled: 'The French Embassy in Algeria is under pressure and restriction.' The French newspaper quotes the diplomat as saying: 'The Algerian authorities operate according to verbal notes, according to current diplomatic terms. Messages written by the embassy are sent to one entity, which is the Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.' The same source claims: 'During periods of peace in bilateral relations, fax replies only arrived in half of the cases, without anyone knowing whether that was due to bad faith or simply due to local administrative shortcomings, so imagine what that means in times of crisis!' The same source also spoke about the isolation experienced by the embassy's economic center, 'Business France,' which has an office there. It is deprived, the source adds, of official relations, and therefore cannot organize professional meetings or discuss investment projects, while its role is limited to analyzing the development of the Algerian market without any influence on stakeholders, especially in light of economic deterioration and a 21 percent decline in French exports to Algeria in the first quarter of 2025. They also lament the halt of cultural activities affiliated with the embassy, the difficulty of obtaining visas for French artists wishing to perform in Algeria, and the restriction on the French language, through the shift to teaching medicine and pharmacy in English instead of French, and before that, the cessation of police and judicial cooperation between the two countries. However, they ignore the reasons that led to this situation, after the visit of French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot to Algeria on April 6, which had re-established bridges of communication between the two countries at all levels. The only entity that remained unaffected by the restrictions, according to Le Monde, is the French consulate, which continues to respond to civil status requests, ensure consular protection for French citizens, and process visa applications submitted by individuals, according to the diplomatic source, who warned that this crisis, if it continues, could lead to 'structural effects on the relationship between France and Algeria,' in his words.


El Chorouk
28-05-2025
- El Chorouk
Laboratories in Paris are unable to understand France's helplessness against Algeria.
The French are still searching by all means for what they consider 'the reasons for helplessness against Algeria' in the current iron grip, and for that, they resort each time to interrogating politicians, historians, and specialists in political sociology, hoping to reach the recipe that will enable them to regain lost influence in their former colony, which has begun to deal with them with an unprecedented equal footing. The latest to be interrogated in this context was the well-known French sociologist, Gilles Kepel, who was a guest on the 'Le Figaro Live' platform, to answer the central question: 'Why is France unable to confront Algeria?', a question that has been strongly raised for more than ten months, which marks the age of the escalating and unprecedented crisis between the two countries. Gilles Kepel, who is a professor at the Paris Institute of Political Studies, and also holds the Chair of the Middle East and the Mediterranean at the Paris Sciences et Lettres University, linked what has been happening between the two sides of the Mediterranean in recent months to some variables that have accumulated since Algeria gained its independence in the early 1960s. According to the French sociologist, the first factor that increased the strength and rigidity of the Algerian position is that this country, Kepel says, enjoys economic independence derived from the large wealth and resources that Algeria possesses, foremost among them oil and gas wealth, which provided financial resources that enabled the Algerian state to eliminate dependence on foreign countries in the field of financing and to establish the necessary infrastructure that the state needs. As for the second dimension, it is represented by the Algerian community, which numbers millions in the former colony, and this is a card that plays in Algeria's favor in any conflict between the two countries. Moreover, the diversity of this community and its penetration into various aspects of activity in French society makes it influential. He pointed here to the arrival of an immigrant's son of Algerian origin to the government, where he currently holds the portfolios of Interior and Justice, referring to Gérald Moussa Darmanin, in addition to the presence of influential businessmen and intellectuals of Algerian origin in French society. The professor at the 'London Ideas' Center for Diplomacy and Strategy at the London School of Economics and Political Science also believes that what he considers 'Algerian hostile policy towards France may have a negative impact on a segment of the French people,' and he refers here to the children of the Algerian community who may, of course, follow the interests of their country, according to his view, which is a natural thing that can happen in any country that hosts a large foreign community. With some precision, Gilles Kepel refers to the disturbances and incidents that some French prisons were subjected to, and the targeting of some agents working in prison services, in the previous weeks, when the tension between the two countries was at its highest levels, and he tried to link that to the iron grip adopted by the French government towards Algeria and its community. The French sociologist did not hide his fears of the pressure usually exerted by some lobbies (pressure groups) affiliated with Algeria in France. The French remain perplexed in dealing with Algeria in light of the current crisis, the repercussions of which have confused decision-makers in Paris, so that, after nearly a year of the escalating crisis, they are still unable to get out of this quagmire they fell into, ever since French President Emmanuel Macron decided to blatantly side with the Moroccan regime in the Western Sahara issue, despite his awareness of the seriousness of that position on French interests in Algeria.