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GOP tax bill would ease regulations on gun silencers and some rifles and shotguns

GOP tax bill would ease regulations on gun silencers and some rifles and shotguns

Associated Press14 hours ago

WASHINGTON (AP) — The massive tax and spending cuts package that President Donald Trump wants on his desk by July 4 would loosen regulations on gun silencers and certain types of rifles and shotguns, advancing a longtime priority of the gun industry as Republican leaders in the House and Senate try to win enough votes to pass the bill.
The guns provision was first requested in the House by Georgia Rep. Andrew Clyde, a Republican gun store owner who had initially opposed the larger tax package. The House bill would remove silencers — called 'suppressors' by the gun industry — from a 1930s law that regulates firearms that are considered the most dangerous, eliminating a $200 tax while removing a layer of background checks.
The Senate kept the provision on silencers in its version of the bill and expanded upon it, adding short-barreled, or sawed-off, rifles and shotguns.
Republicans who have long supported the changes, along with the gun industry, say the tax infringes on Second Amendment rights. They say silencers are mostly used by hunters and target shooters for sport.
'Burdensome regulations and unconstitutional taxes shouldn't stand in the way of protecting American gun owners' hearing,' said Clyde, who owns two gun stores in Georgia and often wears a pin shaped like an assault rifle on his suit lapel.
Democrats are fighting to stop the provision, which was unveiled days after two Minnesota state legislators were shot in their homes, as the bill speeds through the Senate. They argue that loosening regulations on silencers could make it easier for criminals and active shooters to conceal their weapons.
'Parents don't want silencers on their streets, police don't want silencers on their streets,' said Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y.
The gun language has broad support among Republicans and has received little attention as House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., work to settle differences within the party on cuts to Medicaid and energy tax credits, among other issues. But it is just one of hundreds of policy and spending items included to entice members to vote for the legislation that could have broad implications if the bill is enacted within weeks, as Trump wants.
Inclusion of the provision is also a sharp turn from the climate in Washington just three years ago when Democrats, like Republicans now, controlled Congress and the White House and pushed through bipartisan gun legislation. The bill increased background checks for some buyers under the age of 21, made it easier to take firearms from potentially dangerous people and sent millions of dollars to mental health services in schools.
Passed in the summer of 2022, just weeks after the shooting of 19 children and two adults at a school in Uvalde, Texas, it was the most significant legislative response to gun violence in decades.
Three years later, as they try to take advantage of their consolidated power in Washington, Republicans are packing as many of their longtime priorities as possible, including the gun legislation, into the massive, wide-ranging bill that Trump has called 'beautiful.'
'I'm glad the Senate is joining the House to stand up for the Second Amendment and our Constitution, and I will continue to fight for these priorities as the Senate works to pass President Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill,' said Texas Sen. John Cornyn, who was one of the lead negotiators on the bipartisan gun bill in 2022 but is now facing a primary challenge from the right in his bid for reelection next year.
If the gun provisions remain in the larger legislation and it is passed, silencers and the short-barrel rifles and shotguns would lose an extra layer of regulation that they are subject to under the National Firearms Act, passed in the 1930s in response to concerns about mafia violence. They would still be subject to the same regulations that apply to most other guns — and that includes possible loopholes that allow some gun buyers to avoid background checks when guns are sold privately or online.
Larry Keane of the National Shooting Sports Foundation, who supports the legislation, says changes are aimed at helping target shooters and hunters protect their hearing. He argues that the use of silencers in violent crimes is rare. 'All it's ever intended to do is to reduce the report of the firearm to hearing safe levels,' Keane says.
Speaking on the floor before the bill passed the House, Rep. Clyde said the bill restores Second Amendment rights from 'over 90 years of draconian taxes.' Clyde said Johnson included his legislation in the larger bill 'with the purest of motive.'
'Who asked for it? I asked,' said Clyde, who ultimately voted for the bill after the gun silencer provision was added.
Clyde was responding to Rep. Maxwell Frost, a 28-year-old Florida Democrat, who went to the floor and demanded to know who was responsible for the gun provision. Frost, who was a gun-control activist before being elected to Congress, called himself a member of the 'mass shooting generation' and said the bill would help 'gun manufacturers make more money off the death of children and our people.'
Among other concerns, control advocates say less regulation for silencers could make it harder for law enforcement to stop an active shooter.
'There's a reason silencers have been regulated for nearly a century: They make it much harder for law enforcement and bystanders to react quickly to gunshots,' said John Feinblatt, president of Everytown for Gun Safety.
Schumer and other Democrats are trying to convince the Senate parliamentarian to drop the language as she reviews the bill for policy provisions that aren't budget-related.
'Senate Democrats will fight this provision at the parliamentary level and every other level with everything we've got,' Schumer said earlier this month.

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Democrats set to target multiple Senate GOP tax provisions
Democrats set to target multiple Senate GOP tax provisions

Politico

time31 minutes ago

  • Politico

Democrats set to target multiple Senate GOP tax provisions

House Republicans are aiming to slash funding for the nonpartisan watchdog for waste, fraud and abuse within the federal government by nearly half in the next fiscal year, according to spending bill text released Sunday night. The House Appropriations subcommittee funding Congress and its support agencies, led by chairman David Valadao (R-Calif.), is set to mark up their fiscal 2026 measure Monday evening, with the full committee set to act Thursday. The Legislative Branch bill would provide $6.7 billion — $51 million below the current funding level, which was set in fiscal 2024. Per tradition, the House bill does not touch any Senate funding. 'Chairman Valadao's bill puts the American people first — in strengthening the institutions that represent them, protecting effective governance, and safeguarding taxpayer dollars,' said House Appropriations Committee Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) in a statement. The deepest cuts in the bill are to the Government Accountability Office, an arm of Congress that would see a $396.5 million reduction from current levels to $415.4 million. GAO has served as the nation's chief investigator of wrongdoing at federal agencies for more than a century, but has been fighting for months as Republicans in Congress and the Trump administration have attempted to undercut its legal conclusions and independence. Now, they are attempting to shrink the agency into submission as it pursues nearly 40 investigations into whether the White House is illegally withholding, or 'impounding,' money Congress had previously approved. Also tucked into the bill is a major policy change that would eliminate the GAO's ability to bring civil action against the executive branch over impoundments of funds. 'GAO's work makes it possible for the legislative branch to hold government accountable,' said Daniel Schuman, executive director of the American Governance Institute. 'Congress needs independent expert advice, which is exactly what GAO provides.' Also on the chopping block is the Library of Congress, which is another legislative branch agency also engaged in a power struggle against intrusion by the Trump administration. The bill allocates $767.6 million for the Library of Congress, which is $84.5 million below the current funding level and $133.7 million below the FY26 request. 'This bill does nothing to safeguard against the growing levels of executive overreach into legislative branch agencies,' said Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.), the top Democrat on the legislative branch subcommittee. Some other key provisions in the GOP-written bill include: Capitol Police: The Capitol Police would see a $84.4 million boost to their funding under the bill, bringing the total to $891 million. Some lawmakers had asked for an increase in office funding for use for security, but the bill flat-funds the Members Representational Allowance, which can be used for some member security purposes. Member Pay: The bill would continue the member pay freeze that has been in effect since 2013, halting automatic cost of living increases that members of Congress are supposed to get under law. Gay marriage: The bill includes language that prohibits discrimination against any person who 'speaks, or acts' in accordance with a 'sincerely held religious belief, or moral conviction, that marriage is, or should be recognized as, a union of one man and one woman.'

How Fred Smith Built FedEx Into A Giant
How Fred Smith Built FedEx Into A Giant

Forbes

time31 minutes ago

  • Forbes

How Fred Smith Built FedEx Into A Giant

Corbis via Getty Images Frederick Wallace Smith, the billionaire founder of FedEx, passed away at age 80 on Saturday. Smith was a visionary who was early to spot the need for an all-freight airline to ship packages around the world—smartly betting that passenger jets could never handle all of the world's shipments. But his success was far from certain. When Forbes profiled Smith in March 1977, he was a 32-year-old entrepreneur still using small jets to ferry packages around the nation. He was hoping to win government approval to upgrade to large planes, and his private equity backers were seeming to grow impatient. 'Will [FedEx] go on to become a $1-billion company?' we asked. Smith ended up taking FedEx public a year after our story, and grew it into a true giant over five decades at the helm. By the time Smith stepped down as CEO in 2022, at age 77, FedEx's market capitalization had surpassed $50 billion. operates in more than 220 countries and generated $87.7 billion in revenue in 2024. Smith remained executive chairman until his death. He's survived by his wife, Diane Smith, and ten children. He was worth an estimated $5.3 billion . F REDERICK WALLACE SMITH has a favorite story. It goes like this: Three men are shipwrecked on a desert island. Suddenly an authoritative voice echoes from the sky: "In ten minutes a tidal wave will obliterate this island." Pandemonium ensues. One man falls on his knees and prays. The second falls on a native girl and a bottle of booze. The third fellow runs like crazy. "What do you think you're doing?" the terrible voice demands. Still running, the runner gasps: "I'm going to jump in the ocean and figure out how to breathe under water." Surviving against impossible odds, breathing under water as it were, is a habit with 32-year-old Fred Smith, the son of a wealthy Tennessee entrepreneur who died when Fred was four years old. As a young boy in Memphis, Fred was crippled by a bone disease, learned to defend himself against bullies by swinging his crutch. Cured at age ten, he became an excellent football player, learned to fly at 15. In Vietnam, where he served two terms totaling 27 months, Smith won five medals. As a Marine infantry company commander, he almost miraculously survived a Vietcong ambush that cut down the men on either side of him. With his helmet, grenade and pistol gone, Smith retrieved the pistol to bring down his Vietcong attacker. "I was so frightened that I aimed at his head and hit his knee," he said. "To this day I don't understand how he missed me because they always aim for the company commander." On his second Vietnam tour, Smith served as a pilot of forward control planes, surviving over 200 ground-support missions. All this was just a warmup for the brazenly bold adventure that Smith was about to pull off in the business world. Back from Vietnam, he was soon embarked on what has turned out to be the biggest venture-capital startup deal ever tried in the U.S. — Federal Express Corp. "I got so sick of destruction and blowing things up — on people I had nothing against — that I came back determined to do something constructive," Smith recalls. At this point, he went back to an idea that had fascinated him while a student at Yale in the mid-Sixties. Bettmann Archive In an economics class, the professor agreed with the prevailing theory that air freight was the wave of the future and would be the primary source of revenue for the airlines. Smith wrote a paper disagreeing. No way, he said, because the passenger route patterns were wrong for freight and because costs would not come down with volume. The only way air freight would work, Smith wrote, was through a whole new system that would reach out to smaller cities as well as big ones and be designed for packages, not people. His point was simple: Air freight would only work in a system designed specifically for it, not as a simple add-on to passenger service. The professor gave Smith's paper a low grade. Looking back, Smith quips: "I was a crummy student — like Winston Churchill." Smith's idea, now reborn, was to start an all-freight airline that would fly primarily at night when the airports weren't congested. It would carry small, high-priority packages when speed of delivery was more important than cost. It would bring all the freight to a central point (Memphis), then disperse it to the ultimate destinations. That way his organization could free a full planeload for a smaller city, say Cedar Rapids, Iowa, because it would consolidate all Cedar Rapids shipments at the central depot. This was not your ordinary $1-million or $2-million venture-capital startup. What Smith was proposing was the creation in one swoop of an entire nationwide system. "I was naïve," Smith says. "I believed a good concept would attract all the money. By the time I found it wasn't true, I had gone so far that I couldn't stop." In the end, Smith raised an astounding $91 million to finance his untested idea. (To anyone who understands the venture-capital game, this is roughly equivalent to learning how to breathe under water.) First, he put in some $8 million of his own family's money. Then he got the enthusiastic backing of Manhattan-based, Rothschild-backed New Court Securities; New Court investments came to $5 million. With New Court behind him, Smith was able to put together a virtual Who's Who of venture capital, including General Dynamics, Heizer, Allstate Insurance, Prudential Insurance and Citicorp Venture Capital Ltd. However, Smith's problems were only beginning. The passenger airlines with a sideline in freight and the freight-only lines did not relish the prospect of additional competition. Long and haggling hearings before the Civil Aeronautics Board were in prospect. Luckily there was a loophole: Planes with a payload under 7,500 pounds did not need CAB permission to operate. Smith went ahead and assembled a fleet of small, 550-mile-per-hour French-built Falcons, constructed a main base at Memphis and began servicing 75 airports. Nightly Federal's Falcons would pick up packages at each of the airports, fly them to Memphis, then sort them out for immediate reshipment to other cities. At the other end, Federal trucks sped them to their destinations. With luck a shipment made by afternoon got delivered by the next noon. Operations started in April 1973. Forbes named Fred Smith one of America's 100 greatest living business minds in 2017. Martin Schoeller for Forbes In the beginning the losses were horrendous; in Federal's first 26 months they mounted to $29 million. The investors were getting antsy. Federal was falling far short of Smith's projections. There was talk of kicking him out. Smith's own sisters were suing him for misinvesting the family fortune. But Arthur Bass, Federal's operating man, stood by Smith. Bass, 44, a pilot and airline consultant, gradually improved the delivery schedules, and Federal began to come out of its tailspin. By last fiscal year, Federal's revenues hit $75 million, and the company was $3.6 million in the black. Seldom in history had a company gone from nothing to that size so swiftly. In this fiscal year, ending May 31, Federal should make $8 million on $110 million revenues. Federal now counts 31,000 regular customers. The biggest is the U.S. Air Force, which uses Federal to ship the spare parts needed to keep its planes flying. Another major customer: International Business Machines Corp. Others include shippers of film, blood, organ transplants and drugs. On heavily traveled passenger routes, such as New York to Chicago, Federal has plenty of competition from the major airlines. But it has virtually none in moving packages from smaller cities — from El Paso, Tex. to Rochester, N.Y., for example; or Jacksonville, Fla. to Cedar Rapids. Emery Air Freight, which ships via regular airlines, has been meeting some of Federal's competition by chartering its own planes in areas where airlines like Delta and Eastern have cut back less-traveled routes or night service, both crucial to air freight. But Emery cannot match Federal's nationwide air-delivery service. As a freight forwarder Emery is not permitted to operate its own planes and cannot reach the Cedar Rapids of America as quickly as Federal. To meet the competition, Federal has evolved a two-tier pricing system. On routes where there is serious competition, Federal tries to undercut Emery by as much as 10%. It recoups on exclusive routes by charging higher rates — arguing that higher-priced service is better than poor service for these towns. Are Smith's troubles over? Alas, no. At the moment, Federal is up against a serious ceiling on its capacity. The small Falcons can't always handle the available business on some routes, and, as a result, some packages must be held over. As a consequence, Federal's on-time delivery record has slipped from 96% to about 90%; now some couriers not only deliver packages but wait to see they get on the plane. The solution: bigger aircraft. One day soon Federal will file with the CAB a request for permission to fly bigger planes, such as Boeing 727s, and extend service from the present 75 airports and 130 cities to 170 airports and 300 cities — virtually the entire country. On the busier routes, 727s would take over; a single one could replace five Falcons flying nightly wingtip to wingtip on the Los Angeles-Memphis route, for example. On the lighter routes, Federal would still use its Falcons. The savings from using bigger planes alone would increase profits by $9 million a year. This will be Federal's second effort to obtain the right to use bigger craft. Last year the Senate passed a Smith-inspired bill that would permit Federal Express to rapidly institute larger all-cargo flights. The bill died in the House; it was bottled up in a subcommittee headed by Representative Glenn Anderson from Southern California, where opponent Flying Tiger Line is headquartered. This was a severe setback for Smith. In addition to the problem with the CAB, Federal's balance sheet is in terrible shape. The big losses have cut equity capital to just $7.8 million, vs. $52.5 million debt. However, if CAB authorization is forthcoming, Federal's backers have expressed a willingness to help recapitalize the company. There are, moreover, plenty of second-hand Boeings around, and Federal could quickly assemble a fleet of big jets. If it gets to that stage, the next step would be to take Federal public, not only to raise additional capital but to provide Federal's long-suffering backers with an opportunity to get some of their money out. Venture capitalists are not infinitely patient. Maybe Federal will get the right to fly 727s. Maybe it won't. But it has come a long way already. As President Art Bass puts it: "The absolute worst that can happen to us now is that we will be a limited success. It is no longer possible, as it was a year ago, that we'll go down the tube." Will Federal go on to become a $1-billion company? Will Fred Smith once again win a victory of mind over matter, of will over "reality"? Tune in next time for the answer.

20 Critical Mistakes Advertisers Make With Social Media Campaigns
20 Critical Mistakes Advertisers Make With Social Media Campaigns

Forbes

time31 minutes ago

  • Forbes

20 Critical Mistakes Advertisers Make With Social Media Campaigns

While successful social media campaigns can build awareness, drive conversions and strengthen audience trust, even strong campaigns can fall flat if they miss key details or employ the wrong tactics. From posting on the wrong platforms to ignoring your audience's wants and needs, seemingly small missteps can derail momentum (and your budget). Here, members of Forbes Agency Council share 20 critical mistakes advertisers make with social media campaigns. Read on to learn how to avoid the same and focus on what works. 1. Failing To Entertain The biggest mistake advertisers make is creating content that fails to entertain first. We're in our 'talkies moment'—the algorithm is the gatekeeper, and without stopping the scroll, your content won't reach anyone. Instead, follow new rules: Entertain first, then inspire or educate. Key takeaways beat key messages. The days of averages are over. Focus on trends and patterns in a video-first world. - James Nord, Fohr 2. Overproducing Content Overproduced content often backfires on social media. People scroll past anything that feels too scripted or polished. The best content feels native to the platform—casual, imperfect and real. That's what builds trust. Don't be afraid to let your brand show up with a little less polish and a lot more personality. - David Moncur, Moncur 3. Trying To Be Present Everywhere One of the biggest mistakes advertisers make is trying to be everywhere at once without a strategy. At our organization, we believe that spreading content across every platform without understanding where your audience engages can weaken your message. We recommend a focused and strategic approach by tailoring content specifically for the platforms where your audience is most active and receptive. - Durée Ross, Durée & Company, Inc. 4. Not Leveraging Creators One mistake is not partnering with creators to deliver your story. Creators are trusted more than ads or celebrities, and collectively are the most effective messaging to drive conversions on social media. But finding the right creators is important. We use a leaderboard to show brands' top-performing creators and content ranked by performance and to ensure the best-performing ones are chosen. - Rodney Mason, LTK Forbes Agency Council is an invitation-only community for executives in successful public relations, media strategy, creative and advertising agencies. Do I qualify? 5. Handing The Reins To The Algorithm Hire a pro; don't depend on the algorithm. It's tempting to rely on the built-in automation tools; with a few clicks, you can 'boost a post' or build a broad 'lookalike' audience. But doing so hands the reins to a program optimized to spend your budget, not grow your business. Social can drive serious ROI when it's treated as a strategic channel rather than a checkbox. - Chintan Shah, KNB Communications 6. Posting On The Wrong Platforms Focus on the platforms where your customers spend their time! If you are marketing to grandparents, use Facebook, but for younger audiences, use Instagram or TikTok. For business audiences, use LinkedIn. Don't waste time and resources posting on the wrong platform for your targeted audience! - Nancy Marshall, Marshall Communications 7. Not Understanding Your ICP The biggest mistake is not understanding your ideal customer profile and their user journey. If you don't understand who you're targeting and where they are in the buying cycle, your message will miss. Tailor content to match their stage, intent and platform behavior to actually drive results. - George Arabian, NVISION 8. Boosting Posts On Facebook Boosting a Facebook post is often a complete waste of time and money. Boosting is a watered-down version of a Meta campaign with default settings that may not be right for you. Spend the extra time in creating a campaign properly or work with someone who understands Meta advertising. - T. Maxwell, eMaximize 9. Ignoring Audience Responses Within social advertising, ignoring audience responses—letting comments and messages go unanswered—wastes ad spend and erodes trust. Avoid this by assigning a community manager, setting real‑time alerts for mentions and committing to reply within 24 hours. This encourages dialogue and user‑generated content, boosting reach and loyalty. - Goran Paun, ArtVersion 10. Chasing Virality When brands chase viral moments that don't reflect who they are, they dilute trust. Start with clarity on your brand's voice, purpose and role in the world. Stay consistent. Then use trends as a lens, not a crutch, to create content that's timely and true. - Jacquelyn LaMar Berney, VI Marketing and Branding 11. Overemphasizing Sales Versus Genuine Engagement One of the biggest mistakes is overemphasis on sales instead of pure engagement. Overly promotional content can cause a huge turn-off with your audience. It's important that advertisers focus on providing value through their content, which can eventually lead to more naturally converted sales. - Jordan Edelson, Appetizer Mobile LLC 12. Using Non-Specific Messaging Trying to include everyone can ironically make audiences feel unseen. When messaging lacks specificity, it misses the mark emotionally. Focused, audience-driven content fosters true connection—people respond when they feel truly understood. - Christy Saia-Owenby, MOXY Company 13. Having A Corporate 'Billboard' Mindset Blasting messages like it's a one-way ad channel is the fastest way to get ignored. Social isn't a billboard; it's a conversation. Want results? Sound human, not corporate. Build campaigns that invite response, adapt in real time and earn attention. If you're not listening and evolving, you're just adding to the noise. - Lars Voedisch, PRecious Communications 14. Prioritizing Reach Over Relevance One of the biggest mistakes is chasing reach over relevance. Pumping budget into broad campaigns without clear audience targeting wastes spend. Instead, focus on niche segments, tailor creatives for each and test relentlessly to optimize for engagement and conversions. - Boris Dzhingarov, ESBO Ltd 15. Forgetting To Optimize For Mobile Most users will see your ad on their mobile device, so if it's not mobile-friendly, you're losing impact. Avoid small text, wide layouts and slow-loading content. Use vertical videos, concise captions and buttons that are easy to tap. Always preview your ads on mobile before launching to make sure they look great where it matters most. - Jason Hall, FiveChannels Marketing 16. Treating Social Media As A Stage One of the biggest missteps is treating social media like a stage instead of a conversation. Chasing likes, trends or clever gimmicks without anchoring your campaign in what actually matters to your audience—their pain, priorities or goals—is a fast way to burn budget and attention. Social works best when it's relevant, consistent and rooted in brand purpose. - Sarah Tourville, Media Frenzy Global 17. Taking A One-Size-Fits-All Approach One of the biggest mistakes is failing to understand the audience's true needs and values. A generic, one-size-fits-all approach won't resonate. Advertisers should invest time in research, listening and personalizing content to create meaningful connections. Tailored messages build trust, leading to more authentic engagement and better campaign results. - Robert Nikic, Why Unified 18. Failing To Tailor Ads To Social Media So many advertisers fail to create ads that are specific to social media. Social platforms need authenticity to ensure the ad is credible. People also go to social media to waste time; brands should respect that by making their social ads entertainment. - Mike Maynard, Napier Partnership Limited 19. Talking About The Brand Instead Of To The Audience One of the biggest mistakes advertisers make is talking about themselves instead of to their audience. Social media isn't a stage—it's a feed full of people looking for connection, not a pitch. If your ad doesn't speak directly to their world, it's ignored. Relevance beats reach. Every time. - Jimi Gibson, Thrive Agency 20. Posting The Same Thing Across Every Platform A major mistake is treating all platforms the same by repurposing content without tailoring it to each platform's user intent. Use AI-driven sentiment analysis to understand how your audience engages differently on each platform and customize messaging accordingly to boost relevance and response. Even small adjustments can significantly improve ROI. - Ajay Prasad, GMR Web Team

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