logo
Six months after al-Assad's fall: Syria's tightrope walk to unity

Six months after al-Assad's fall: Syria's tightrope walk to unity

Yahoo4 hours ago

Six months ago, the once seemingly impossible became reality: Syria's long-time ruler Bashar al-Assad was overthrown after years of brutal civil war.
More than five decades of authoritarian rule by the al-Assad family came to an end. What remained was a fractured society - scarred by violence, riddled with mistrust, but also carrying a fragile hope for a new beginning.
Today, the nation of roughly 23 million people is governed by a transitional administration led by interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa, while al-Assad has fled to Moscow.
A former leader of the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), al-Sharaa and his alliance played a central role in toppling al-Assad on December 8.
Upon assuming office, the new leadership promised "a Syria for all." But six months on, has that promise been kept?
Minorities under pressure: fear and uncertainty
Internationally, the treatment of minorities in the new Syria is being viewed with particular scepticism. Like al-Sharaa and his companions, the majority of Syrians are Sunni Muslims.
However, recurring outbreaks of partly sectarian violence in recent months have fuelled fears among Druze, Alawites and Christians, for example.
As recently as early May, Sunni fighters aligned with the transitional government launched attacks on members of the Druze community, resulting in dozens of deaths.
Observers reported what they described as "massacres" in the coastal region as early as March.
In response to assaults by Assad loyalists, the transitional government launched a military operation, during which hundreds of Alawites - al-Assad's own minority sect - were killed in the fighting.
"There is fear, not only in the Druze community, but also among other minorities," Hammud al-Hinawi, a Druze sheikh and one of the top leaders of the religious community, told dpa.
"If we don't learn to accept one another, regardless of our religion, we can never build a nation," said al-Hinawi.
This is precisely what interim President al-Sharaa promised the population when he took power: a united Syria.
"But one must always keep in mind that Syria was divided by the old regime," emphasized the Druze leader. Only "hand in hand" and without extremism from any side can a united country be built, he added.
This includes the Kurds in the north-east, who had previously governed their region with a high degree of autonomy.
A key step toward national unity came with an agreement between Kurdish leaders and the transitional government to fully integrate into state institutions.
This would, in theory, grant al-Sharaa's administration authority over both civil and military structures in the north-east. However, key details of the deal remain unresolved.
Kurdish representatives expressed cautious optimism: "Like other communities, we are concerned, but we will see whether the new rulers will keep their promises and give every Syrian - regardless of their origin - their homeland back."
Back on the international stage
The new leadership in Damascus has also made it a priority to distance itself from the legacy of the al-Assad regime and to rebuild international relations.
Al-Assad had been largely isolated following the outbreak of civil war, with his government facing severe sanctions from much of the global community.
The conflict began in 2011 with anti-government protests that were violently suppressed. It escalated into a full-scale civil war with international involvement, displacing some 14 million people and killing more than 300,000 civilians, according to UN estimates.
Nearly six months after al-Assad's fall, his successor al-Sharaa - a former rebel commander and ex-member of the terrorist organization al-Qaeda - has already met with several world leaders, including US President Donald Trump.
In Europe, he was received by French President Emmanuel Macron. In September, al-Sharaa is scheduled to address the United Nations General Assembly in New York.
Reconnecting to global financial networks
Damascus has recently scored significant gains on the international stage, particularly in the area of sanctions relief.
In mid-May, Syrians flooded the streets in celebration after Trump unexpectedly announced the complete lifting of US sanctions against the country.
Just days later, the European Union followed suit. The Syrian Foreign Ministry hailed the move as another "historic step" for the new Syria.
During the war, essential goods - ranging from medicine to fuel - were scarce, with imports nearly impossible under the weight of international sanctions.
The country was also largely cut off from the global financial system, making money transfers to and from Syria virtually impossible.
Observers say lifting the sanctions could gradually lower prices and allow urgently needed foreign capital to flow into the country - critical for both economic recovery and long-term reconstruction efforts.
90% of Syrians still dependent on aid
Even six months after the ousting of al-Assad, Syria remains far from stable. According to UN data from April, around 400,000 Syrian refugees from neighbouring countries - and over one million internally displaced persons - have returned to their homes.
The humanitarian situation remains dire. The UN estimates that around 90% of the population still relies on some form of humanitarian aid.
After more than a decade of conflict, widespread poverty persists. Many Syrians say they continue to wrestle with uncertainty about their country's future.
"There are days when we question whether this new Syria is any different," one returnee said. "But there are also days when we believe - step by step - we're moving in the right direction. Hope is still alive."

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Hamas's ‘last man standing' faces fight to keep control of Gaza
Hamas's ‘last man standing' faces fight to keep control of Gaza

Yahoo

time2 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Hamas's ‘last man standing' faces fight to keep control of Gaza

Among Israel's spies, he is known as 'the ghost'. He closely supervised some of the worst massacres of the Oct 7 Hamas attack, and in the months since has played a key role in holding the terror group together in the face of the IDF's assault. Now, as the presumed new Hamas commander in Gaza, Izz al-Din al-Haddad holds the fate of the hostages and, to a large extent, the entire Strip in his blood-stained hands. 'He was always recognised by our people as one of the more capable commanders,' said Maj Gen Yaakov Amidror, Israel's former national security advisor. 'He is cautious. They're all cautious, but he's had some luck as well. He never made the mistake that allowed us to kill him.' Maj Gen Amidror speaks ruefully – Israel is believed to have tried to assassinate al-Haddad six times since 2008. Eighteen months into the longest war in the Jewish state's history, he is now believed to be the last man standing of the five brigade commanders on the eve of Oct 7. As such, when the IDF finally killed Mohammed Sinwar by flattening the tunnel in which he was hiding in the grounds of a hospital last month, al-Haddid, believed to be 55, assumed command. It follows the assassination of top-level figures Mohammed Deif in July 2024 and Yahya Sinwar, Hamas's supreme Gaza commander and the architect of Oct 7, in Oct that year. Al-Haddid takes over an almost unrecognisable force from the structured terror army that crossed the border to such devastating effect in Oct 2023. Hamas now resembles more of a guerrilla movement, with small, independent units – a handful of gunmen each – popping up in the rubble with light weapons and explosives. But, as this month has proved, the group is still more than capable of killing IDF troops, ensuring the war grinds on as Israel expands its new seize-hold-and-demolish strategy, with tragic effects for civilians. And, of course, Hamas still holds dozens of hostages, 20 of whom are thought to be alive. Last weekend, the group rejected an Israel-endorsed proposal generated by Steve Witkoff, Donald Trump's Middle East envoy, that would have freed 10 over a 60-day ceasefire – but, crucially, with no guarantee of a full Israeli withdrawal and an end to the war. For some in Israel's intelligence community, this had al-Haddad's hardline fingerprints all over it. According to analysts, his decades living in the shadows, plus the loss of two sons to Israeli fire in the last 18 months, places him in the front rank of Islamist fanaticism. But, with Israel committed to seizing 75 per cent of the strip in under two months, the veteran terrorist may soon be forced to revisit his choice. 'The most crucial decision he has to make is whether he goes for a ceasefire that will give him the time to reorganise his forces,' said Maj Gen Amidror, now at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America. 'He would have to pay by releasing some hostages. 'If not, the IDF will – slowly, slowly – come into these areas; Hamas will lose ground and people. 'It's down to his judgement.' The IDF made a major push in the southern city of Khan Younis this week, discovering, they said, an arsenal of rocket parts. Intense activity is also underway in Gaza City and its suburbs, such as Jabalia, traditionally a Hamas stronghold hiding an extensive tunnel network. An added challenge for the new commander will be how to keep control of a desperate civilian population, for whom hunger is now proving a more potent force than fear, with aid cut off for nearly three months. During the two months of the last ceasefire, al-Haddad was handed the task of rebuilding Hamas's civilian and military infrastructure. Israel contends that, with the traditional NGO-led aid system cut off, bar a 'trickle of UN trucks', that job is now harder, as Hamas cannot steal the food and use it to control the population. Government spokesmen argue that social media bears this out. They point to increasingly blood-curdling warnings against 'looting' on Hamas-linked accounts, plus videos of so-called 'field executions' – in reality, civilians being summarily gunned down in the street, or, in one recent case, tortured to death on camera. Even during times of less violence, it is difficult to get accurate data on civilian attitudes to Hamas within the Strip. But a series of protests in recent weeks has led some analysts to believe that ordinary Gazans' fear of Hamas was waning, with at least one ringleader brutally murdered in the aftermath. Despite its seeming omnipotence in Gaza since 2007, Hamas has never been the only armed group in the Strip. So-called 'clans' – some with links to other terror groups like Isis, some more or less organised crime groups, some just armed families, and some all three – are also gaining power as the situation destabilises. On Thursday, Benjamin Netanyahu admitted that Israel was arming at least one of them, a militia under the command of an Arab bedouin called Yasser Abu Shabab, despite his group's alleged links to drug dealing and arms smuggling. Such groups are already playing a role in seizing aid. If, thanks indirectly to Israeli support, they become better at it than Hamas, they could hasten the terror group's demise – although how that would improve the immediate situation for the population is unclear. Maj Gen Amidror warned against premature celebration. 'What we see with these [torture] videos is all the effort not to lose their grip,' he said. 'But I don't think they have lost their grip yet.' Reports suggest a new unit of around 5,000 gunmen called the 'executive force', a name salvaged from a similar outfit 20 years ago, has been unleashed to try to keep control. A regional security official summed up al-Haddad's position to the Hebrew press last week. 'He is one of the last and only leaders to have remained on the ground in Gaza, which means that the pressure he is under is tremendous,' he said. 'If no deal is reached, he doesn't want to go down in history as the last leader to oversee Gaza while it was falling apart under Israeli control. On the other hand, he needs to show that he is a leader.' Within Hamas, al-Haddad certainly has the stature to lead. He joined the group as a young man, more or less at its inception in 1987. From there he rose to become a platoon commander; eventually a battalion commander. By 2023, he was in command of the Gaza Brigade, based in and around Gaza City in the north of the Strip. As such, he was one of a small number of senior figures who knew the plans for Operation Al-Aqsa Flood (Hamas's codename for the Oct 7 attack) in advance. On the evening of Oct 6, he gathered his senior commanders. The orders he then handed out resulted in some of the most high-profile atrocities of the incursion, such as the attack on the IDF's Nahal Oz base, where more than 60 soldiers and 15 civilians were killed after it was overrun. Now, this famously cautious man who, unlike some of his terror comrades, avoided media appearance, has his face on leaflets being dropped by the IDF and Shin Bet into Gaza with crosshairs superimposed around it. Referencing the Sinwar brothers, Deif and Ismail Haniyeh, the group's overall leader until he was assassinated in Tehran last year, the leaflets' Hebrew and Arabic captions assured the population that al-Haddad would soon be 'reunited' with his friends. No one can foretell what military effect that would have, but it would – in one sense – close a chapter on Israel's darkest ever day. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store