Former Rep Lincoln Diaz-Balart, brother of sitting congressman, dead at 70
Former Rep. Lincoln Diaz-Balart, R-Fla., has died at the age of 70, his brother and current House member Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart, R-Fla., announced.
"Defender of the silenced and oppressed, author of the democracy requirement for the lifting of U.S. sanctions against the Cuban dictatorship, and the author of the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act (NACARA). Lincoln's legacy of achievements will endure for generations, and continues the work of the Congressional Hispalic Leadership Institute (CHLI) which he co-founded in 2003," Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart said in a statement about his brother.
Lincoln Diaz-Balart served Floridians as a member of the Republican Party. The Cuban refugee first got into politics by "leading the Florida Young Democrats and running an unsuccessful campaign for the Florida legislature as a Democrat in 1982," his congressional biography states.
He formally switched his party allegiance in 1985 and was elected to the Florida legislature in 1986. Then, he "sponsored laws strengthening sentences for crimes against law enforcement officers, increasing penalties for drug-related money laundering, providing low-interest loans for home construction, creating a statewide program to combat substance abuse, and establishing disclosure rules for Florida companies doing business with Cuba," according to the biography.
White House Will Not Release Visitor Logs During Trump's Second Term
He was sworn into Congress in January 1993 and served until his retirement in 2010. That same year, his brother Mario won the election to succeed him in the 21st Congressional District.
Read On The Fox News App
Diaz-Balart leaves behind his wife of 48 years, Cristina; his son Daniel; two grandsons and three brothers. He was preceded in death by his first son, Lincoln Gabriel.
Rubio Signs Declaration To Expedite $4B In Arms To Israel 'Wrongly Withheld' By Biden
"Lincoln's profound love for the United States, and his relentless commitment to the cause of a free Cuba, guided him throughout his life and his 24 years in elected public service, including 18 years in the U.S. House of Representatives," Mario's announcement said. "We will miss him infinitely."Original article source: Former Rep Lincoln Diaz-Balart, brother of sitting congressman, dead at 70
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
16 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Federal appeals court to hear arguments in Trump's long-shot effort to fight hush money conviction
Five months after President Donald Trump was sentenced without penalty in the New York hush money case, his attorneys will square off again with prosecutors Wednesday in one of the first major tests of the Supreme Court's landmark presidential immunity decision. Trump is relying heavily on the high court's divisive 6-3 immunity ruling from July in a long-shot bid to get his conviction reviewed – and ultimately overturned – by federal courts. After being convicted on 34 counts of falsifying business records, Trump in January became the first felon to ascend to the presidency in US history. Even after Trump was reelected and federal courts became flooded with litigation tied to his second term, the appeals in the hush money case have chugged forward in multiple courts. A three-judge panel of the 2nd US Circuit Court of Appeals – all named to the bench by Democratic presidents – will hear arguments Wednesday in one of those cases. Trump will be represented on Wednesday by Jeffrey Wall, a private lawyer and Supreme Court litigator who served as acting solicitor general during Trump's first administration. Many of the lawyers who served on Trump's defense team in the hush money case have since taken top jobs within the Justice Department. The case stems from the 2023 indictment announced by Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, a Democrat, who accused Trump of falsely categorizing payments he said were made to quash unflattering stories during the 2016 election. Trump was accused of falsifying a payment to his former lawyer, Michael Cohen, to cover up a $130,000 payment Cohen made to adult-film star Stormy Daniels to keep her from speaking out before the 2016 election about an alleged affair with Trump. (Trump has denied the affair.) Trump was ultimately convicted last year and was sentenced without penalty in January, days before he took office. The president is now attempting to move that case to federal court, where he is betting he'll have an easier shot at arguing that the Supreme Court's immunity decision in July will help him overturn the conviction. Trump's earlier attempts to move the case to federal court have been unsuccessful. US District Judge Alvin Hellerstein, nominated by President Bill Clinton, denied the request in September – keeping Trump's case in New York courts instead. The 2nd Circuit will now hear arguments on Trump's appeal of that decision on Wednesday. 'He's lost already several times in the state courts,' said David Shapiro, a former prosecutor and now a lecturer at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. And Trump's long-running battle with New York Judge Juan Merchan, Shapiro said, has 'just simmered up through the system' in New York courts in a way that may have convinced Trump that federal courts will be more receptive. Trump, who frequently complained about Merchan, has said he wants his case heard in an 'unbiased federal forum.' Trump's argument hangs largely on a technical but hotly debated section of the Supreme Court's immunity decision last year. Broadly, that decision granted former presidents 'at least presumptive' immunity for official acts and 'absolute immunity' when presidents were exercising their constitutional powers. State prosecutors say the hush money payments were a private matter – not official acts of the president – and so they are not covered by immunity. But the Supreme Court's decision also barred prosecutors from attempting to show a jury evidence concerning a president's official acts, even if they are pursuing alleged crimes involving that president's private conduct. Without that prohibition, the Supreme Court reasoned, a prosecutor could 'eviscerate the immunity' the court recognized by allowing a jury to second-guess a president's official acts. Trump is arguing that is exactly what Bragg did when he called White House officials such as former communications director Hope Hicks and former executive assistant Madeleine Westerhout to testify at his trial. Hicks had testified that Trump felt it would 'have been bad to have that story come out before the election,' which prosecutors later described as the 'nail' in the coffin of the president's defense. Trump's attorneys are also pointing to social media posts the president sent in 2018 denying the Daniels hush money scheme as official statements that should not have been used in the trial. State prosecutors 'introduced into evidence and asked the jury to scrutinize President Trump's official presidential acts,' Trump's attorneys told the appeals court in a filing last month. 'One month after trial, the Supreme Court unequivocally recognized an immunity prohibiting the use of such acts as evidence at any trial of a former president.' A White House spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment. If Trump's case is ultimately reviewed by federal courts, that would not change his state law conviction into a federal conviction. Trump would not be able to pardon himself just because a federal court reviews the case. Bragg's office countered that it's too late for federal courts to intervene. Federal officials facing prosecution in state courts may move their cases to federal court in many circumstances under a 19th century law designed to ensure states don't attempt to prosecute them for conduct performed 'under color' of a US office or agency. A federal government worker, for instance, might seek to have a case moved to federal court if they are sued after getting into a car accident while driving on the job. But in this case, Bragg's office argued, Trump has already been convicted and sentenced. That means, prosecutors said, there's really nothing left for federal courts to do. 'Because final judgment has been entered and the state criminal action has concluded, there is nothing to remove to federal district court,' prosecutors told the 2nd Circuit in January. Even if that's not true, they said, seeking testimony from a White House adviser about purely private acts doesn't conflict with the Supreme Court's ruling in last year's immunity case. Bragg's office has pointed to a Supreme Court ruling as well: the 5-4 decision in January that allowed Trump to be sentenced in the hush money case. The president raised many of the same concerns about evidence when he attempted to halt that sentencing before the inauguration. A majority of the Supreme Court balked at that argument in a single sentence that, effectively, said Trump could raise those concerns when he appeals his conviction. That appeal remains pending in state court. 'The alleged evidentiary violations at President-elect Trump's state-court trial,' the Supreme Court wrote, 'can be addressed in the ordinary course on appeal.'

Yahoo
16 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Kweisi Mfume is pitching an old-school approach to one of House Democrats' highest-profile jobs
Frustrated by Democrats' seniority system, Kweisi Mfume fled the House three decades ago, saying he could do more to advance civil rights from the outside. Now he's back and trying to reap the benefits of seniority at a moment when many in his party are starting to openly question it. The Baltimore native last month surprised many House colleagues by entering the wide-open race to lead Democrats on the high-profile Oversight Committee, seeking to fill the spot vacated by the sudden death of Virginia Rep. Gerry Connolly. Into the void jumped a pair of young, ambitious members — Jasmine Crockett of Texas and Robert Garcia of California — as well as a close Connolly ally, Stephen Lynch of Massachusetts. And then there's Mfume, who at 76 is making no bones about this being the capstone of a long career that included stints leading the Congressional Black Caucus and the NAACP — jobs he took back in the 1990s. 'I started a long time ago when dinosaurs roamed the earth,' Mfume joked in an interview, before describing his old-school approach to legislative relations: 'The first thing you learn is how to count votes, which has never failed me yet,' he said, adding that he would be careful not to alienate colleagues 'by doing something that causes problems for them in their district.' Rather than detail a point-by-point agenda for taking on President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans, Mfume said if elected he'd convene the committee's Democrats to decide a course of action. The party, he said, can only move forward with a 'consensus.' That style stands in sharp contrast to a Democratic base that's itching for more aggressive leadership and a more visible fight with Trump — something the other candidates are clearly heeding: Garcia has tangled with the Justice Department over his criticism of Elon Musk; Crockett has broached the prospect of a Trump impeachment inquiry; and Lynch, as the panel's interim top Democrat, attempted last week to subpoena Musk during a panel hearing. The race also threatens to become a proxy fight for broader questions about age and seniority inside the Democratic Party. House Democrats ousted several aging committee leaders at the end of last Congress as they girded for a fight with the Trump administration — and many in the base were disappointed when Connolly triumphed over Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York. The winner is poised to lead efforts to investigate and thwart the Trump administration if Democrats can retake the House majority next year — and ride herd on a chaotic panel that in recent months has featured intense personal attacks between lawmakers and the display of nude photos. 'It's a street fight every day,' said Rep. Lateefah Simon of California when asked about the panel and what it takes to lead it. 'It's every single day being able to expose the hypocrisy of this administration and to tell the truth.' There was a time when Mfume would have been a natural choice for such a moment. First elected to Baltimore's City Council at the age of 30, he quickly butted heads with legendary Mayor William Donald Schaefer. After longtime Rep. Parren Mitchell retired, Mfume easily won the seat in 1986 and within a few years become a national figure due to his chairmanship of the CBC. Ascending to that role just as Bill Clinton was elected to the presidency, he became an important power broker, forcing key concessions in Clinton's 1993 budget and pushing the White House to restore ousted Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. He also clashed with Clinton at times, including over his decision to pull the nomination of prominent Black legal scholar Lani Guinier to a top Justice Department post. But after Democrats lost their House majority in 1994 — and Mfume lost a quixotic bid to enter the party leadership — he decided two years later to forgo a long climb up the seniority ladder. He instead took the helm at the Baltimore-based NAACP, a job thought to better harness his skills at organizing and oratory. Former Maryland state Sen. Jill Carter said Mfume has long had the 'it factor' and 'charisma' that matters in politics. When Carter ran against Mfume in his 2020 House comeback bid, she got a reminder of how well her rival was known in the district and beyond: 'When some of my people did exit polling, they got the response, 'Oh, we love Jill but, come on, this is Kweisi.'' What's less clear is whether Mfume's reputation in Baltimore, burnished over 45 years in the public eye, makes him the man for the moment as far as his contemporary House colleagues are concerned. He's not known as a partisan brawler, and he said in the interview he doesn't intend to become one. 'There are always going to be fights and disagreements,' he said. 'It's kind of escalated in the last few years to a level that we haven't seen before. I think the main thing is to moderate and to manage the disagreements, because you're not going to cause any of them to go away. How you manage them and how they are perceived by the overall public is what makes a difference.' Mfume is leaning heavily, in fact, on the style and reputation of the man who filled the 7th District seat for the 24 years in between his House stints — the late Rep. Elijah Cummings, who served as top Democrat and then chair of Oversight during Trump's first term and is still spoken of in reverent terms inside the caucus. Mfume concedes that Cummings might have been the better communicator — he 'had a little more preacher in him than I do' — but said they share a similar lofty approach to politics. Like Cummings, he suggested prescription drug prices might be a committee priority. What Mfume is unlikely to have is the official support of the Congressional Black Caucus, a powerful force in intracaucus politics. With two members in the race — Crockett also belongs — Mfume said he does not expect a formal CBC endorsement after an interview process Wednesday. But he still expected to draw support from the bloc — especially its more senior members. Other factors complicate Mfume's candidacy. One is age: He is a year older than Connolly was when he was elected to lead Oversight Democrats last year. For those who prize seniority, Lynch has actually spent more time on the panel. And his 2004 departure from the NAACP was marred by controversy: The Baltimore Sun reported the executive committee of the group voted not to extend his contract under threat of a sexual harassment lawsuit; the NAACP later paid the woman who complained a $100,000 settlement. Mfume strenuously denied any wrongdoing, but while the episode has not emerged as a major issue in the Oversight race, some Democrats have privately expressed reservations about elevating a leader with personal baggage to potentially lead investigations of Trump. 'There's never been one person to corroborate that one allegation — not one,' Mfume said. About the payment, he said, 'I found out about it, quite frankly, after it happened.' Much of the Democratic Caucus remains undecided ahead of the June 24 secret-ballot vote. Candidates will first go before Democrats' Steering and Policy Committee, which will make a recommendation to the full caucus. 'I think that you have a situation where Mfume and Steve Lynch are getting support from folks who put seniority at top, and maybe the other two candidates would probably lean toward members who are newer, and then you got a whole host of folks that's in the middle. And I think that's where the battle is to see where they fall,' said Rep. Greg Meeks (D-N.Y.). One younger member said he was swayed by Mfume's experience. Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), who is 48 and had weighed his own bid, said that while other candidates were compelling, the Baltimorean had a 'leg up.' 'Kweisi shows me pictures of him with Nelson Mandela,' he said. 'I was like, I'm not going to run against Nelson Mandela's best friend.'
Yahoo
27 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Davis officially enters NC-11 race; 4 Dems eyeing Edwards' seat
ASHEVILLE – Democrat Moe Davis, a retired Air Force colonel-turned author and podcaster, has officially announced his bid to represent North Carolina's 11th Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives. Davis announced his candidacy in a June 10 news release. In May, he had told the Citizen Times that he intended to run for the seat now held by Rep. Chuck Edwards, a Republican from Flat Rock. 'I'm a Veteran who spent over 30 years defending democracy,' Davis said in the release. 'I refuse to sit back now and watch a bunch of billionaires and big corporations wreck what hardworking people spent generations to build.' In a video paid for by his campaign committee, Davis wields a chainsaw and discusses his family's history in Western North Carolina and his 25 years he spent in the Air Force. And he talks about how he worked with neighbors clearing trees from roads and driveways in the immediate aftermath of Tropical Storm Helene and how he received his first shotgun before the age of 10. He also zeroed in on Edwards, saying the two-term Republican was 'bought and paid for by the same billionaires and big companies.' 'When I get to Washington, I'm going to kick some ass for the working class,' Davis says in the video. This isn't Davis's first run for Congress. Davis, 66, ran for the same seat in 2020, losing to Republican Madison Cawthorn by 12 percentage points. Plagued by scandals, which included criminal charges for bringing a loaded gun through an airport checkpoint in Charlotte, Cawthorn served just one term in Congress, losing to Edwards in the 2022 Republican primary. Edwards went on that year to defeat his Democratic opponent, former Buncombe County Commissioner Jasmine Beach-Ferrara. In 2024, Edwards beat then-state Rep. Caleb Rudow in the general election. Davis will likely face at least three Democratic opponents in a primary set for March 3, 2026. Chris Harjes, a Buncombe County real estate investor and nurse practitioner, announced his run for Congress in May. 'I've been increasingly frustrated with the partisan vitriol that's infected and is destroying American politics,' Harjes told the Citizen Times May 9 when asked why he decided to run. 'I find it scary, and I find the kind of overstep of the current administration, especially the attacks on free press and free speech, really frightening.' Zelda Briarwood and Marcus Blankenship have also announced their bids for the seat. In a May 10 candidate speech delivered at the district's Democratic convention, Blankenship called for the pursuit of a '21st-century New Deal,' one that would 'rebuild a vibrant working class.' In a speech at the same event, Briarwood evoked her work as an advocate and case worker for victims of sexual violence and human trafficking. 'We're going through a crisis right now where we're facing our abusers up in Washington,' said Briarwood, a Haywood County Democrat. 'Allow me to support and advocate for all of us as your public servant like I'm supposed to.' North Carolina's 11th Congressional District is typically a Republican stronghold. The last Democrat to win was former NFL quarterback Heath Shuler in 2006. Shuler defeated Charles Taylor, a long-time Republican congressman from Transylvania County. Shuler served three terms in Congress. After redistricting in 2011, Shuler decided not to run for reelection. He was succeeded by Republican Mark Meadows who went on to serve as White House chief of staff during President Donald Trump's first term in office. But a race between Edwards and the top vote getter in the Democratic primary could prove more competitive in 2026. North Carolina's 11th Congressional District was one of 19 districts across the country where voter support shifted away from Trump during the 2024 presidential election, according to Chris Cooper, a professor of political science and public affairs at Western Carolina University. Cooper said the shift occurred at a time when most other districts moved more toward the Republican Party. But Cooper cautioned that the shift, which resulted from redistricting and demographic changes, didn't mean that NC-11 had turned 'blue." 'You've got a district that is certainly not competitive by standard metrics but is the kind of district that could possibly flip if there really is a blue wave,' Cooper said. More: 2 Democratic candidates eyeing Chuck Edwards' House seat for NC-11 More: Despite defeat, Caleb Rudow's campaign wasn't in vain, political experts say Jacob Biba is the Helene recovery reporter at the Asheville Citizen Times, part of the USA TODAY Network. Email him at jbiba@ This article originally appeared on Asheville Citizen Times: Moe Davis enters Congressional race; Dems eyeing Chuck Edwards' seat