
Grangemouth's fate was sealed when Scotland didn't back independence
The ultimate failure of our Yes campaign to convince 50%+1 of the voters that Scotland could not only survive but prosper as an independent nation resulted in the continuation, to this day, of the so-called United Kingdom.
Up until a few days ago there were six major oil refineries in the UK.
Phillips 66, Humber Refinery, South Killingholme – 221,000 barrels per day;
Prax, Lindsey Oil Refinery, North Killingholme – 111,300 barrels per day;
Petroineos, Grangemouth refinery –150,000 barrels per day;
Essar Energy plc, Stanlow refinery – 190,000 barrels per day.
Valero Energy Corp, Pembroke refinery – 270,000 barrels per day;
ExxonMobil, Fawley refinery – 270,000 barrels per day.
In total, that's an overall refining capacity of over 1.2 million barrels per day. The five other UK refineries will apparently be able to fill the shortfall from the loss of Grangemouth. From a UK perspective there are enough refineries ready, willing and able to meet demand. Incidentally, in 1976 there were 17 oil refineries in the UK. By 2000 there were 12.
Those politicians and campaigners who demand that we 'just stop oil', or use a lot less of it, might like to reflect long and hard on the loss of thousands of skilled jobs we have just witnessed.
Those who decreed on our behalf that there should be more no petrol or diesel-powered cars by 2030 need to learn that actions may have consequences. Ironically many electric cars are produced in China, which is still commissioning new coal-fired power stations at the rate of about one a week.
The UK Government is moving heaven and earth – and a massive amount of Japanese coal – to keep the UK's only blast furnaces in Scunthorpe alive. It looks upon Grangemouth as only one of six refineries. In their eyes it is expendable.
Both the UK and Scottish governments often drag out the prospect of new work at Grangemouth in the shape of Project Acorn despite the fact that it will take many years for that particular acorn to grow and replace even a small fraction of the jobs lost today. Perhaps it should be renamed Project Carrot.
Brian Lawson
Paisley
The obsession with net zero is driving Britain into economic decline, social division, and strategic weakness. What began as a vague environmental target has morphed into an ideological crusade, detached from reality and blind to the damage it is causing.
Rural communities are being penalised for simply trying to live and work. Farmers face restrictions, motorists are vilified, and perfectly functional energy sources are being scrapped in favour of unreliable, expensive alternatives.
Meanwhile, countries like China and India continue to increase emissions – unapologetically –while we cripple our economy in a futile display of moral posturing.
Net zero is not just bad policy; it is a luxury belief of the political elite. Ordinary people are paying the price through higher bills, limited travel, and job losses in traditional industries. Yet politicians and activists refuse to admit what's obvious – Britain cannot save the world by impoverishing itself.
We need a serious energy policy, one based on affordability, security, and common sense, not fantasy targets and international virtue signalling. Fossil fuels still have a role to play. So does nuclear power. So does a proper debate, free from hysteria and censorship.
Protecting the environment matters. But destroying our way of life in the name of net zero is not the answer. It's time for Britain to put its own people first and bring this reckless agenda to an end.
Councillor Alastair Redman
Independent Councillor for Kintyre and the Islands
Islay, Argyll and Bute
I AM chief executive of Muscular Dystrophy UK, the leading charity for more than 110,000 people in the UK living with one of more than 60 muscle wasting and weakening conditions.
As such, I urge the Scottish Government and NHS health boards to make givinostat, a new life-changing treatment for Duchenne muscular dystrophy available to all eligible boys and young men in Scotland. People with progressive and degenerative muscle wasting and weakening conditions such as Duchenne don't have time to waste. Accessing treatments as early as possible can make a significant difference in their quality of life.
After meeting families campaigning for access to givinostat this week, Health Secretary Neil Gray made a commitment to support the rollout of the treatment as quickly as possible. While this is welcomed, it is crucial that this is made an urgent priority.
Despite an Early Access Programme (EAP) being open for eligible patients, while we await the recommendation of the Scottish Medicines Consortium (SMC), we are not aware of any Health Board in Scotland giving the treatment to boys with Duchenne. I urge health boards to prioritise the additional resources needed, including pharmacy, phlebotomy, and nursing support.
Attention from the Scottish media has helped to shine a light on the issue. We must now ensure all those who might benefit from givinostat can access it, wherever they live.
If anyone is affected by this situation, please reach out to our helpline for support, 0800 652 6352.
Andy Fletcher
Muscular Dystrophy UK
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Glasgow Times
24 minutes ago
- Glasgow Times
Think tank: Glasgow should have directly-elected mayor
The Centre for Cities said Glasgow could be missing out on billions in funding without the changes. A report, The Missing Piece In The Big Cities' Jigsaw, claimed Scotland's GDP would be 4.6% larger than it is now if Glasgow's economy performed in line with the average for cities of its size. In England, there are 10 combined local authorities which have a metro mayor. The process of local devolution began a decade ago with Greater Manchester. READ MORE: Major tenement refurbishment completed in Glasgow's West End READ MORE: 'Cutting-edge' technology doubles Glasgow's mobile network speeds Andrew Carter, chief executive of Centre for Cities, said: 'The UK is taking a city-region led approach to economic growth because cities are at the frontier of innovation and economic growth. 'Glasgow has an important role in this, with the potential to make an added economic contribution the size of Scotland's oil and gas sector if it harnesses its size to generate more cutting-edge activity. 'English cities with metro mayors have, in the last week, been allocated billions to invest in local public transport networks and R&D. 'Scotland, too, needs its big cities to make a greater contribution to the economy. 'A directly-elected mayor for the Glasgow city region would bring much-needed leadership, accountability and the ability to shape growth around the city's needs.' READ MORE: Glasgow's rank on UK city wellness list revealed Deputy First Minister Kate Forbes said: 'Glasgow is key to driving the Scottish economy, which is why the Scottish Government is partly funding the city-region's £1.13 billion growth deal. 'We have also supported Glasgow city region's £160 million investment zone, with additional funding for electric vehicle infrastructure and skills development. 'We are working with partners to explore ways of devolving further powers to regional economic partnerships, including Glasgow city region, with the aim of presenting options to Ministers by the end of this Parliament.'


Scotsman
30 minutes ago
- Scotsman
Is it really all over for the Scottish Conservatives? Why Russell Findlay must fight against populism
Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... For as long as I can remember, the Scottish Conservatives have allegedly been on the cusp of ruin. But is it actually true? Ahead of the 2026 Scottish Parliament elections, the Scottish Conservatives should, in theory, provide a comprehensive economic alternative to the incumbent SNP and the populist broad strokes of Reform UK. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad However, key policy announcements at this weekend's party conference look more interested in competing with Reform than solving Scotland's endemic social and economic problems. Scottish Conservative leader Russell Findlay | PA Scottish Conservative leader Russell Findlay rejected Scotland's 2045 net-zero target and pledged a Taxpayer Savings Act "to get the books in order" while cutting government spending and reducing the number of civil servants. He called it a "blueprint for a common‑sense future for Scotland'. There are even proposals for a new Scottish Agency of Value and Efficiency - "run by business leaders" - and an "Accountability and Transparency Index" to scrutinise organisations receiving public money, which sounds painfully like Elon Musk's former plaything, the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). Scotland has, does and always will need a centre-right electoral force. Now is the moment the Tories need a Ruth Davidson, and the question is whether Findlay has the same magnetism to draw together a tacit coalition of pro-union, pragmatic voices tired of rhetorical indulgence who can present that alternative without descending to a populist Reform-lite level. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Reform UK leader Nigel Farage is charismatic, but his proposals for Scotland are next to non-existent. And if there's one thing Farage should be wary of, and parties in Holyrood should have realised by now, it's that they pay the price for whatever happens at Westminster – something Scottish Labour and the Conservatives know extremely well, and the SNP has used to its advantage for decades. The Scottish Conservatives need to give voters a clear, demarcated choice between a populist clown show and centre-right policy. The trench between the two parties should be so profound that any speculation of merging or operating with a confidence and supply agreement at Holyrood is dismissed as patently absurd. Scottish Conservative leader Russell Findlay | PA Admittedly, the polls for the party ahead of the 2026 Scottish Parliament elections are not good. But only a fool would discount the party that has refused to evaporate since devolution and even longer in Scotland before that. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad In the 19th century, the Liberals were the dominant political force in Scottish politics. From 1912 to 1965, the Unionist Party combined the pre-1912 Conservative Party in Scotland and the Liberal Unionists. In 1955, they achieved the only popular majority ever achieved by any party in Scotland, with over 50 per cent of the vote and 36 of the 71 seats at Westminster. After a staggered decline in the 1964 general election, several reforms amalgamated the Scottish Unionist Party with the Conservative and Unionist Party in England and Wales in 1965. The rhetoric that it is all over for the centre-right in Scotland and the Tories is hyperbolic and extremely unlikely. The Unionist Party relegated the Liberals at the start of the 20th century, and Labour, in turn, overtook them by the late 1950s until the SNP did the same by the 2010s. The key distinction here is that this shift was from a position of government-yielding power. The Scottish Conservatives' influence and importance are not in getting the keys to Bute House, but in ensuring that Reform does not beachhead populist nonsense at Holyrood and beyond. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Reform UK leader Nigel Farage speaks during a press conference at Church House in Westminster, London. Picture: Jeff Moore/PA Wire This seems a plausible ambition in a historical context. Between 1999 and 2016, the Scottish Tories achieved a low of 15 (2007) and a high of 18 (1999 and 2003) Members of Parliament out of 129 available seats. Until 2016, they were the third largest party at Holyrood, a record broken by the seismic mood change under Davidson's leadership. This propelled them to second place, overtaking Scottish Labour, and gave them a devolution high of 31 seats. In 2021, then-leader Douglas Ross broke even with Davidson's win. The years since have not been as kind - the Tories have endured defections to Reform UK and the Liberal Democrats. Reform UK is now a serious electoral challenge in Scotland, as evidenced by the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election on June 5, which Labour gained from the SNP. A more worrisome barometer was Reform taking a 26 per cent vote share, relegating the Tories from third to fourth place with 6 per cent, down from 11 per cent. Polling suggests the Tories will keep their constituency seats, but lose around 15 list seats. Reform UK is expected to split the vote, halving Conservative seats, with the new party gaining a projected 15 seats thanks to Holyrood's proportional representation list system. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad At the 2024 general election last year, Reform UK won five seats and 14 per cent of the vote, the third-highest vote share across the UK, and 7.0 per cent in Scotland (to the Tories' nearly 13 per cent). The Scottish Tories hold five of the 57 Scottish seats in the House of Commons, 30 of the 129 seats in the Scottish Parliament, and 206 of Scotland's 1,226 local councillors. If power is neither realistic nor tangible, the next best thing is to ensure a cemented intellectual home of centre-right thinking, creating a bulwark against ascending populism and stagnating nationalism. The Scottish Conservatives must play to the party's strengths in Scotland and not be anchored by the broader party's collapse at Westminster, or the temptation to fight populism with populism.


Scotsman
31 minutes ago
- Scotsman
It's time for the tale of lost North Sea jobs to stop - and Acorn carbon capture is a start
Support for Acorn was an important step for industrial Scotland and a reminder of the home-grown advantage we still hold. Sign up to our Politics newsletter Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... Last year, the UK relied on imports for nearly 40 per cent of its energy needs – a record high. And yet the North Sea remains an untapped strategic economic asset. Offshore wind, hydrogen and carbon capture projects aren't as advanced as hoped when COP26 took place in Glasgow. Volumes of oil and gas produced in UK waters continue to decline faster than expected in the face of policy uncertainty. In an uncertain world, that is not the place to be. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The loss of sovereign capability is not only a tale to be told of our North Sea, but also of our manufacturing bases. From shipbuilding on the Clyde to chemical processing on the Firth of Forth, many of us of a certain age have watched Scotland's manufacturing significantly shrink. Energy Security and Net Zero Secretary Ed Miliband during a visit to St Fergus, Peterhead in Aberdeenshire, to welcome funding to progress the Acorn project as confirmed in the Spending Review. Picture: PA That isn't good news for our economy, for our jobs or for our communities. Carbon capture and storage is a catalyst to tell a different story. Located at St Fergus near Peterhead, Acorn will capture carbon from high-emission sectors like glass, cement and power generation, compress it, and store it deep beneath the North Sea in depleted oil and gas reservoirs. A repurposed network of more than 200 miles of pipeline, including links from Grangemouth, will transport these emissions for storage. The UK government's £200 million investment announced this week, part of a wider £9.4 billion commitment, sends a clear and welcome signal. The Scottish Government, too, has long championed carbon capture and Scotland's role in leading the transition. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad For communities like Falkirk and Aberdeen, Acorn represents real, long-term opportunity. Once the development is sanctioned, the project is expected to support around 10,800 construction jobs and create up to 4,700 long-term roles. As the Chancellor said last week, where things are made, and who makes them, matters. For too long we have watched the decline of industry, imported many of our basic needs while exporting jobs and economic value. The support for the Acorn project provides an important signal. Critical decisions in the coming months lie ahead that will shape Scotland's industrial future.