logo
Gwynedd: Bid to slash English-medium lessons to bolster Welsh in schools

Gwynedd: Bid to slash English-medium lessons to bolster Welsh in schools

BBC News03-04-2025

English-medium education could be slashed in a part of Wales in an effort to bolster the use of Welsh language in schools.Gwynedd, one of two counties where Welsh is spoken by the majority of residents, plans to phase out English-medium streams from the vast majority of secondary schools.The new draft council policy from Cyngor Gwynedd would expect pupils to follow at least 70% of the curriculum in Welsh. The current arrangements expect a minimum of 60% of pupils to do so.The council said the proposals would "remove bilingualism and bilingual teaching" as Welsh becomes "the principal language of education".
One Gwynedd councillor said while children's English skills "develop quite naturally" due to the influence of largely English-speaking media, many needed extra help with their Welsh due to a "changing world".The plans have come under attack by the Welsh Conservatives, with the party's leader describing them as "axing the opportunity for parents and pupils to choose to be educated in English".
The changes would primarily impact secondary education.All but two of the county's 13 schools are already designated as "Category 3" Welsh-medium. This requires schools to offer "at least 60% of learners undertaking at least 70% of their school activities in Welsh".But the plans would effectively scrap English-medium streams, meaning all pupils would be expected to follow 70% of the curriculum through the medium of Welsh.
Ysgol Friars in Bangor and Ysgol Uwchradd Tywyn are designated T3 schools, which means they are in transition to become Welsh medium. They would not be immediately affected.While Gwynedd remains a Welsh language heartland, the percentage of Welsh speakers has fallen.In 1981, 76.2% of its population could speak Welsh, but by 2021 this had fallen to 64.4%.The numbers also fluctuate within the county, as the city of Bangor and some coastal communities tend to have less Welsh speakers compared to the Seiont ward in Caernarfon and Llanrug.
In Bangor, Gwynedd's only city, there was largely a positive reaction to the proposals."It would be good thing to be honest," said Callum Marler, who lives in Llandudno."I don't speak Welsh and I've lived here my whole life, I think it is a good idea."I did Welsh in school, I didn't really pay much attention but I should have… it's the language of the country," he said.
Tony Walkden said he felt parents should be entitled to send their children to an English-medium school if they wish."In education I think it should be English, I agree that Welsh should be a strong language within this country," he said. "I've got grandchildren that are fluent in both languages. I think you should have a choice."
Mared Rhys, a first-language Welsh speaker, said she agreed with what the authority wants to do."Its important that the language is promoted and that children leave school confident in their Welsh and English. I think its to be welcomed," she said.
Student Jade Lambsale believed that leaving school bilingual had its benefits."I guess having English as a second language is very useful," she said. "I grew up in Italy so having two languages under your belt at such a young age is extremely useful to have."Having a bilingual brain helps you speak other languages in turn."Her friend, Georgina Mee, added: "I guess it can be difficult with science-based subjects because they'll probably have to travel for higher education."There's only a couple of [universities] in Wales and they often don't offer the subject in Welsh, so to progress you often do need the vocabulary in English as well."
The draft measures "would not mean overnight changes" and would be subject to scrutiny and public consultation, the Plaid Cymru-run authority said. But the county's education portfolio holder, councillor Dewi Jones, said a revamp of the existing policy was overdue."There have been linguistic changes in the county and the lives of young people are very different now compared to 1984," he said."English, as a subject, will continue to be taught in English of course and parts of other subjects as well as extra-curricular activities."
But Conservatives' Senedd leader Darren Millar said there was a "danger" the policy could "push people away from the Welsh language". "Axing the opportunity for parents and pupils to choose to be educated in English-medium schools is totally unacceptable," he said."While I fully support access to Welsh medium education in all parts of Wales, linguistic zealots should remember that there are two official languages in our country that all local councils and education authorities should cater for; English and Welsh."
Gwynedd's cabinet member for education said the Welsh language immersion system for non-Welsh speaking newcomers would remain unchanged. "The current emphasis is on bilingual learning but we're moving towards a system of Welsh-medium education," said Jones. "Of course not all schools are at the same stage of the process and they will be ready to offer these changes at different points."He added support would be offered to Ysgol Friars and Ysgol Uwchradd Tywyn as well as Bangor's Catholic Our Lady's School in the primary sector as they "continue on their journey" to eventually becoming designated Welsh-medium schools."We do have some non-Welsh speaking teachers who are already learning, it is not practical to change things overnight," he added.
In the primary sector all pre-school and foundation phase education until the end of Year 2 will be through the medium of Welsh.From Year 3 onwards English would be introduced but at least 80% of pupils' education would be in Welsh, under the new plans.Children and young people with additional learning needs would receive "equal linguistic opportunities in accordance with the policy".

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Rachel Reeves spending review: What will be in the spending review and what does it mean for Scotland?
Rachel Reeves spending review: What will be in the spending review and what does it mean for Scotland?

Scotsman

time44 minutes ago

  • Scotsman

Rachel Reeves spending review: What will be in the spending review and what does it mean for Scotland?

The Spending Review will be delivered by Chancellor Rachel Reeves on Wednesday. Sign up to our Politics newsletter Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... Chancellor Rachel Reeves will deliver the Spending Review on Wednesday, in what is expected to lead to a significant amount of money for Scotland. While some areas with the greatest uptick in spending are devolved, the nature of the Barnett Formula means the Scottish Government will be allocated extra funds, in what The Scotsman understands will be a significant increase. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Reform UK has suggested the Barnett Formula and block funding grant from Westminster should go to be replaced with more tax powers for the Scottish Parliament The formula is used to work out the level of public spending for each of the devolved administrations. The Barnett Formula aims to be fair mechanism by giving each of the devolved administrations the same pounds-per-person change in funding. Here's what is expected to be in the spending review and what it means for Scotland. Winter fuel Scottish pensioners now face being worse off than those in England and Wales after the UK government confirmed its U-turn over the winter fuel payment. The Chancellor announced on Monday the payment, worth up to £300 for each recipient, will be restored to the vast majority of pensioners who previously received it because anyone with an income of under £35,000 a year will now get the payment automatically. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad However, Scotland has already created a devolved benefit of £100 for all pensioner households, which is less generous than the UK government version, potentially leaving hundreds of thousands of Scots worse off than their English and Welsh counterparts. With Holyrood being sent more money through the Barnett Formula, Scottish Labour has urged the Government at Holyrood to increase its payments. Energy UK energy secretary Ed Miliband endured a battle with the Treasury over funding, but is now expecting several big announcements. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer (centre), Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar (right) and Ed Miliband, Energy Security and Net Zero Secretary (left), during a visit to St Fergus Gas Terminal, a clean power facility in AberdeenshirePicture: Jeff J Mitchell/PA Wire Most notably, the UK government has announced a £14.2 billion investment to build the Sizewell C nuclear plant in Suffolk - a project that could boost energy in Scotland, despite being based elsewhere. For Scotland, it is also understood the government is set to commit to a multi-decade, multi-billion redevelopment of HMNB Clyde, with funding in the hundreds of millions for the next few years. There are also hopes the Chancellor could finally sign off on the Acorn project. Based near Peterhead, it has been in the pipeline for years and would allow fossil fuels to continue to be burnt without, in theory, releasing harmful carbon emissions. The project is seen as key to scaling up the low-carbon hydrogen sector in Scotland and future plans for Grangemouth, but the technology has not yet been demonstrated at commercial scale. One way or the other, a decision is expected during the spending review. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Health Wes Streeting's department is expected to get one of the biggest funding boosts, which will in turn lead to more money for Scotland through the Barnett Formula. Shortly after the statement from Ms Reeves, the UK government will publish groundwork for its NHS ten-year plan. This will give an idea of the financial boost to Scotland and also what Labour might try to do to NHS Scotland if they win the Holyrood election next year.

Labour's unlikely strategy for beating Reform
Labour's unlikely strategy for beating Reform

New Statesman​

timean hour ago

  • New Statesman​

Labour's unlikely strategy for beating Reform

Photo by Chris Ratcliffe/Bloomberg via Getty Images It's April. It's a few weeks to the Runcorn and Helsby by-election. Organisers know it's tight. Activists know it's tight. Some estates and a few villages are looking good for Labour. Others are looking dreadful. The Labour campaign is searching for a winning strategy. Keir Starmer is not to be found. Labour threw a lot of strategies at the Runcorn and Helsby by-election. But one stays with me. As the activists piled in for their morning briefings before taking to the doors, the advice was simple, and surprising: 'Don't say Reform.' Instead, campaigners were encouraged to ask what voters on the doorsteps thought of Nigel Farage himself. But why elevate Farage, some wondered. Why even mention his name? Activists discarded the advice immediately, adamant they knew better. But others saw the sense. Counterintuitively, it's a sound strategy. And there is public data to talk about it. Reform is polling in the lead right now. And the local elections prove it: the party didn't just win the coastal region of Lincolnshire, or Ashfield in Nottinghamshire, it won in what were traditional Con-Lab battlegrounds. Projecting what these numbers would mean in a General Election is a fool's errand. First past the post is not made for four/five party politics. So Reform could win as few as 150 seats in the House of Commons. Or as many as 350. That's where we are right now. But Nigel Farage, who polls better than anyone for voter favourability, is floundering on one key metric. He trails as a prime minister in waiting. Britain needs Reform? Yes, say most voters. But does Britain need Farage? There is surprising reluctance. Survation and YouGov have both done the polling and while Reform has party poll leads, Keir Starmer still – somehow – leads the country as the public's preferred prime minister. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe This all exposes something critical: Farage struggles on the question of officialdom. He is the Wat Tyler of our time. He speaks for the many. He speaks for the rabble. But the many do not see him becoming one of the chosen few. Did the peasantry wish to elevate Mr Tyler to Kingship? Which brings us to the Labour strategy. Farage is both a strength and a curse for Reform. The more the voters and media take Reform and Farage seriously, the more the voters will have to give consideration to the rising reality that Reform and Farage may very well form the next government. This is a weak point for the party. 'Don't say Reform. Say Farage.' Reform is a sentiment. It arouses sympathy. Farage has his fans. But he has his detractors. Prompting him on the doorstep could concentrate voters' minds in a way 'it's us or Reform' doesn't. 'It's this government or reform' – the results write themselves. But 'it's us or Farage' – now that's a strategy. [See more: Nigel Farage chases the Welsh dragon] Related

Reform needs Zia Yusuf
Reform needs Zia Yusuf

New Statesman​

timean hour ago

  • New Statesman​

Reform needs Zia Yusuf

After the turmoil created by the resignation of Zia Yusuf as chairman of Reform UK, and then his return 48 hours later in a new role, the risibly titled 'leader of the DOGE unit', Nigel Farage's anti-system party started the week determined to regain control. While Yusuf was interviewed in the coveted 8.10am slot on the BBC's Today programme on 9 June, Farage was in Wales. There he delivered a speech, fusing right and left populism, aimed at disaffected Labour voters. He took credit for Labour's U-turn on restoring the winter fuel allowance to most pensioners, accused Keir Starmer of being in a 'blind panic' about Reform (he had previously boasted that he was living rent free in the prime minister's head), said he would like to see the return of coal mines to Wales and pledged to reopen the Port Talbot steel blast furnaces. All in a morning's work. As the so-called Conservative and Unionist party withers in Scotland and Wales, Reform, dismissed as an English nationalist party, is supplanting it; without any significant infrastructure or organisation in Scotland, Reform improbably won 26 per cent of the vote in the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election last week, which Labour took from the SNP. John Swinney, the SNP leader, had declared before the vote that Labour could not win. Don't follow his racing tips. Support for Labour has collapsed in Wales, and, according to the latest YouGov poll, Reform is second behind Plaid Cymru in the contest for next year's Senedd elections. The mood in the old industrial heartlands of Wales is no different from the red wall areas of England: one of mass disaffection. Starmer's advisers believe the next general election will be a straight contest between Labour and Reform and it's one they think they can win, not least because they expect progressives, as well as crypto Liberal Democrats, to fall into line when confronted by the prospect of a Farage premiership. That might turn out to be another progressive delusion. The greater challenge for Farage, as framed by Dominic Cummings, who caricatures Reform as being little more than 'Nigel Farage and an iPhone', is this: can the party attract elite talent? They were once antagonists, but Cummings is now one of the most astute analysts of Farageism. 'Does he want to find people to be chancellor etc who are better than the old parties?' Cummings wrote in a long Substack post, prefaced by the obligatory blizzard of quotations from Bismarck, Churchill, Nietzsche, Mao, Thucydides and James Marriott. 'Can he exploit the surging energy for new politics among the young, can he hoist a sail and let that force blow him along to greater victories over his enemies? Or does he blow the chance and let that energy be captured by others?' When I spent a day with Farage on the Essex coast last summer as he campaigned in the general election, he told me, as I wrote at the time, that he believed he had done more than any other politician to defeat the far right in Britain. 'If you think I'm bad enough, imagine what might come after me,' he said. 'But while I'm here that person will not emerge.' Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Farge is adept at simultaneously deflecting and attracting the nativist right, which is why his party is split. Rupert Lowe, a boorish Monday Club-style reactionary now sitting as an independent in the Commons having been banished from Reform, represented a hardline faction that is obsessed with Islam. That faction is closer, in spirit and intent, than Farage can tolerate to European far-right parties such as the Sweden Democrats and the Afd in Germany. I was reporting from a Reform rally in Quendon, near Saffron Walden, in Essex, in February, when Lowe demanded the deportation of rape gangs 'and members of their families'. He later posted on Facebook that he had been 'instructed by Farage's team, sanctioned by him, to remove a call to deport all complicit foreign national family members'. He claimed he was being censored. Shortly afterwards, he was out, having also clashed with Yusuf. Farage wants to position Reform as a mainstream centre-right alternative to the Conservatives, but he also wants 'to move the needle' on what counts as acceptable political discourse. Angela Jenkyns, the new Reform mayor of Greater Lincolnshire, said something similar when I asked her about her recent comments about putting asylum seekers in tents. 'I was talking about illegal migrants, not asylum seekers,' she told me while conceding that some of her statements were deliberately outrageous. 'You've misquoted me there. But it should be like in France, a contained area [of tents] – look at the stats, look at the people coming through. The majority are males, economic migrants.… It's about fairness for the British people. I'd never say that about asylum seekers. The tent thing was intended to be provocative to make the public realise that people have had enough. People should not be put up in hotels when British people are struggling to pay their taxes. I know I'm a glutton for my own punishment, but the thing is, I always know what I'm saying.' Sarah Pochin also knew what she was saying when she asked her question in the Commons about banning the burqa. Yusuf, who has endured repugnant racial abuse online, was correct to call the question 'dumb', on multiple levels. Why prioritise such an issue with your first question as an MP when it was not even party policy? The answer is that Pochin, who won the Runcorn and Helsby by-election, was cynically, opportunistically (choose the most appropriate adverb) 'laying down a marker' as one her allies put it to me. This is who she is and what she wants. In his BBC interview with Yusuf, who is a British Muslim of Sri Lankan heritage, Nick Robinson suggested that he provided 'cover' for Farage. The implication was that he was a useful idiot. That is one view. Another is that as a Goldman Sachs alumnus who earned as much as £30 million from the sale of a business, and has since demonstrated his competence by professionalising the party, Zia Yusuf has the kind of experience Reform must attract if is to become anything more than an anti-system protest movement. That was the real reason Farage was desperate not to lose him. [See more: Will Labour's winter fuel U-turn work?] Related

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store