Vingroup and Gulf States Pursue Sustainability-Led Growth as Legacy Powerhouses Reinvent
HANOI, VIETNAM - Media OutReach Newswire - 6 June 2025 - Vietnam's Vingroup and Gulf nations share parallel journeys of strategic reinvention, as the old playbooks that delivered decades of growth are showing their limits. While Gulf countries built wealth on fossil fuel, Vingroup created enormous value through real estate and hospitality. Both are now shifting beyond their legacy sectors: Vingroup focuses on digital innovation and sustainability, and the Gulf nations seeks to diversify beyond hydrocarbons.
For them, strategic reinvention becomes the logical response. Not disruption for disruption's sake, but calculated transformation grounded in self-preservation and innovation. Their experiences offer valuable lessons on how legacy powerhouses can adapt to structural transformation.
A new growth engine that's not oil
The UAE and Qatar demonstrate how national strategy can drive transformation. The UAE's Net Zero by 2050 initiative links energy policy with investment decisions and foreign relations. Qatar's National Vision 2030 embeds environmental stewardship into economic planning.
More than just being aspirational, these documents translate into concrete investments. For example, the UAE committed over $54 billion to clean energy infrastructure, while Qatar doubled its solar capacity to 1.675 GW by 2025[1], cutting CO₂ emissions significantly.
Sovereign wealth funds play crucial roles. Mubadala and QIA direct capital into clean technology as diversification hedges, treating green investments as strategic portfolio moves that reduce long-term risk while capturing growth opportunities.
A Southeast Asian reinvention
Turning to Southeast Asia, the story Vingroup mirrors many of the same themes of strategic reinvention seen in the Gulf.
Originally a property development powerhouse, the conglomerate diversified into other fields such as electric vehicle production, smart technology, and green manufacturing. VinFast, its automotive arm, delivered over 97,000 electric cars in 2024 and targets 200,000 deliveries in 2025.
In the context of Vietnam aiming to become a high-income country in its 'era of national rise', Vingroup functions as a national champion, building the country's first global EV brand while creating jobs and technological capabilities. The company's manufacturing complex in Hai Phong utilizes green practices and scales to serve both domestic and export markets.
The broader ecosystem reflects systematic thinking. VinBus provides electric public transport in major cities. Smart homes in Vinhomes developments showcase energy efficiency. AI and IoT technologies optimize resource use across business lines. Each initiative reinforces the others.
When green visions align
Shared motivations drive collaboration. Both regions face climate urgency, pursue economic resilience, and seek global relevance. Complementary strengths make partnership logical.
For example, the UAE's Masdar built Indonesia's largest floating solar plant[2]. Vingroup's EV arm, VinFast, opened regional showrooms and has signed several MOUs with regional reputable companies. Vietnam and the UAE signed their first trade pact, focusing on technology exchange.
These ties leverage unique strengths: the Gulf states brings capital, energy expertise, and execution; Southeast Asia offers manufacturing, markets, and innovation capacity.
In their collaboration, the Gulf states and Vingroup prove legacy players can align vision and capital for systemic change. Sustainability, when policy-led, becomes a growth pathway. Strategic reinvention turns challenges into advantages.
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The Sun
2 hours ago
- The Sun
$3 Billion to Buy U.S. Agricultural Commodities: Vietnam Seeks a Good Deal of Reciprocal Trade Agreement with the U.S.
WASHINGTON D.C, US - Media OutReach Newswire - 7 June 2025 - Vietnam's Minister of Agriculture and Environment Do Duc Duy led a delegation of nearly 50 agencies, agribusinesses, and associations to the United States from June 2–6, 2025, to promote trade and increase imports of agricultural and timber products. The delegation held business dialogues in Iowa, Ohio, Maryland and Washington, D.C. The visit aimed to boost two-way trade and open new opportunities for Vietnam to import more U.S. agrifood and timber, contributing to a more balanced trade relationship. Beyond trade, the delegation also sought access to new technologies to enhance the competitiveness of Vietnam's agricultural value chains. Minister Duy noted that while both countries have strong agricultural sectors, their strengths are complementary rather than competitive. 'With strong support from both governments, agriculture in Vietnam and the U.S. is becoming more interconnected. We now share parts of the same supply chains, which helps increase our competitiveness and benefits producers and consumers in both countries,' the Minister stated. 'Vietnamese agribusinesses are working closely with the government to increase purchases of US agrifood and timber products. This effort supports trade balance and strengthens the supply chain between our two countries, hence contributing to global food security'. He emphasized that this initiative also reflects Vietnam's commitment to deepening trust and advancing the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership as the two countries celebrate 30 years of diplomatic relations. During the trip, Vietnamese businesses signed 20 MoUs, worth a total of $3 billion to buy U.S. agricultural commodities. These agreements highlight the strong commitment and goodwill of Vietnam's business community and government to promote balanced trade with the U.S., and to encourage the Trump Administration to reconsider high reciprocal tariffs on Vietnamese goods. The visit was warmly welcomed and highly valued by U.S. partners. Iowa Governor Kim Reynolds immediately shared her appreciation on X following her meeting with Minister Do Duc Duy: 'Excited to welcome Vietnam's Minister of Agriculture and Environment, Do Duc Duy, and the whole Vietnamese delegation to Iowa and celebrate the signing of MOUs and purchase agreements for Iowa commodities. The agreements today will help our farmers and strengthen the agricultural supply chain between Vietnam and Iowa'. Following the Governor, Mike Naig, Secretary of Iowa Department of Agriculture, put on X: 'Yesterday, I met with Vietnam's ag minister and a major trade delegation working to strengthen ties with U.S. ag producers. Of the $2B in new MOUs signed, $800M is tied to Iowa'. Brian Baldridge, Ohio Secretary of Agriculture, emphasized during his meeting with Minister Duy that Vietnam and the US, especially Vietnam and Ohio, have complementary strengths, particularly in agricultural trade. Ohio sees strong potentials in Vietnam and recognizes the opportunities to expand bilateral trade. He noted that stakeholders from both sides should explore new ways for farmers, agribusinesses, and associations to collaborate and build strong, integrated supply chains. To support this, both governments should work to remove barriers to agricultural trade. Following the signing of MoUs with Vietnamese partners to purchase more than $600 million worth of animal feed from Ohio, Patty Mann, Chair of the Ohio Corn Checkoff, stated: 'These agreements represent a major win for Ohio corn farmers. Vietnam continues to be a growing and reliable export market, and partnerships like this help ensure we can keep delivering high-quality, Ohio-grown products to the world'. This was elaborated further by Wendy Osborn, Director of Market Development, Ohio Corn and Wheat: 'The MOUs signed today represent potential commitments of significant volumes of agricultural commodities and strategic partnerships that will support Vietnam's growing agricultural sector while providing sustainable markets for Ohio's farm families. These agreements build upon the strong foundation established through years of relationship-building. May these agreements serve as a foundation for many years of continued collaboration and mutual prosperity'. During a roundtable with the US-ASEAN Business Council (USABC) in Washington D.C, Ted Osius, President and CEO of USABC, expressed strong support for Vietnam's agricultural development: 'Rapid changes in U.S. tariff policies have created a challenging trade environment. We're encouraged that Vietnam is considering increasing imports of agricultural goods to help reduce its trade deficit with the U.S. USABC and its member companies remain committed to supporting the growth of Vietnam's food and agriculture sector'. In response to the USABC President, Minister Duy reaffirmed the Vietnam government's strong commitment to continuing institutional reforms, improving administrative efficiency, upgrading infrastructure, and creating the most favorable environment for international businesses, including U.S. enterprises, to expand trade and investment with Vietnam in a long-term and effective manner. During the meeting with Minister Duy, the Chairs of the Agriculture Committees of both the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives expressed enthusiasm and optimism about the remarkable outcomes of the Vietnamese delegation's visit to Iowa, Ohio, and Washington, D.C. Senator John Boozman was particularly impressed by Vietnam's robust economic growth and the strong potential for long-term cooperation between the two countries. He highlighted Vietnam's role as a dynamic and reliable economic partner in the Asia-Pacific region. The Senator expressed support for efforts to achieve a fair tariff agreement and pledged to fully convey Vietnam's recommendations to relevant US authorities. Representative Glenn Thompson showed special interest in the high-value deals for US agricultural commodities secured during the Minister's visit. He expressed confidence in the prospects for deeper cooperation between the two agricultural sectors and emphasized the need for the US government to promptly address concerns over the high reciprocal tariffs that may be applied to Vietnam exports. He welcomed Vietnam's decision to commercialize biotechnology-based agricultural products imported from the US, calling it a clear signal of Vietnam's determination to modernize its agriculture and integrate more closely with the US supply chains. Businesses and associations from both countries expressed hope that the Vietnamese and US governments would continue to support bilateral trade and strengthen links across their complementary agricultural supply chains. Their shared goal is to bring tangible benefits to millions of farmers, consumers, and businesses in both countries. As such, businesses on both sides are urging the removal of the reciprocal tariffs imposed by the Trump Administration on Vietnam. The 46% tariff has been reported to harm not only Vietnamese exporters but also U.S. businesses and consumers. Since agrifood is a staple commodity, higher price would place a considerable burden on average-income American households. Moreover, such measures could disrupt the supply chains that both governments and the private sector have worked hard to establish in recent years. Businesses wish for a trade agreement between the U.S. and Vietnam soonly concluded, thereby lowering tariffs on agricultural commodities, reinforcing shared supply chains and contributing to the prosperity of both countries under the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.
The Star
6 hours ago
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Is China's promise of a new world order a self-serving power play?
As China has found itself in the midst of a rapidly escalating trade war with the United States after President Donald Trump launched global tariff measures, Beijing launched a sweeping outreach strategy intended to strengthen ties with Russian and Southeast Asian trade partners while also welcoming Latin American and European stakeholders. The multifront diplomatic charm offensive has had at its core one clear message: a shift to a multipolar world is accelerating, and Beijing is ready to work with partners to defend the 'rules-based, UN-centred' international system that has underpinned economic globalisation since World War II. Beijing's message holds that the post-war order, once symbolised by multilateral cooperation, is now being challenged by Washington's retreat under the banner of 'America first'. Observers have watched as China has amplified this theme to court Europe and the Global South, framing itself as a defender of multilateralism and a responsible stakeholder in the post-war system in contrast to what Washington now offers. But the analysts have also cautioned that divergent world views and competing national interests – as well as the strategic calculations of countries seeking to balance or benefit from US-China tensions – could undercut Beijing's vision of a multipolar world. China has used its membership in diplomatic platforms, such as the United Nations and the World Trade Organization, to highlight its World War II sacrifices and contributions to the post-war international order. During a visit to Moscow last month, Chinese President Xi Jinping told his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin that both sides should work together to defend their second world war legacies, as well as the rights of developing nations to pursue an 'equal and orderly' multipolar world. Victor Gao, vice-president of the Centre for China and Globalisation, said Beijing has been reminding the world of the origins of the post-war international system. 'The international order established in 1945 was not unilateral from the outset – it was built on multilateralism, centred around the United Nations,' he said. 'The US launch of a global tariff war ... deprives other countries' rights to development, which China opposes.' Since Xi came to power, China has advanced its vision of a multipolar world order through initiatives such as the Global Development Initiative (GDI), the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilisation Initiative – all aimed at providing an alternative to the Western development model. The Belt and Road Initiative has been central to these initiatives to empower developing economies, alongside the expansion of Global South-focused blocs such as Brics. At the China-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (Celac) Forumlast month, Xi highlighted a 'shared identity' with the region, calling for 'independent development paths' and joint efforts to promote multipolarity and reform global governance. In a separate meeting with African diplomats, Foreign Minister Wang Yi invoked a 'common destiny' shaped by historical injustice. Similar themes were echoed during Xi's April visit to Southeast Asia, seen as a 'back door' for China's exports to circumvent trade restrictions from Washington, where he has prioritised neighbourhood diplomacy and supply chain resilience in response to US tariffs. Gedaliah Afterman, a Chinese foreign policy specialist at Israel's Reichman University, described Chinese advocacy for a multipolar world order as both 'ideological and strategic.' 'This narrative resonates across the Global South, where China positions itself as a champion of 'pluralism' and 'win-win cooperation',' he said. 'However, China's embrace of multipolarity is selective and self-serving. While it publicly promotes a world of diverse centres of power, in practice it seeks to structure this order in ways that amplify its own influence.' Through its trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative, China is expanding its footprint across developing regions, including Latin America, Africa, Southeast Asia and the Middle East. The areas have become key destinations for Beijing to diversify its exports and supply chains, while also offering access to critical minerals amid US export controls. Gustavo de Carvalho, a senior researcher on African governance and diplomacy at the South African Institute of International Affairs, said Latin American and African countries embrace China's multipolar vision where it provides 'tangible benefits', such as technology transfers, industrial upgrades and 'institutional alternatives'. Latin American and African countries including Brazil and South Africa – both Brics members – have often backed China's push to reform global governance in favour of Global South interests. But 'rather than endorsing any particular power's vision of world order', these countries have hedged their ties with the US and Europe alongside China amid the US-China rivalry, de Carvalho said. He cited African nations ramping up lithium and battery production to serve both Chinese and Western markets, and Latin American countries pursuing trade deals with the European Union while deepening their economic ties with Beijing. 'This represents calculated hedging rather than ideological conversion,' de Carvalho said. Similar hedging strategies have also been adopted by Middle Eastern countries, as they position themselves to benefit from a future multipolar structure, Afterman said. 'China has found receptive ground for its multipolar vision in the Middle East, especially among states seeking greater strategic autonomy from Washington,' he said. 'For Gulf monarchies and other regional actors, multipolarity is not about endorsing a new global order but about expanding strategic space. These countries seek to balance between the US, China, Russia and others to advance their national interests.' '[But] divergences become clear when China's vision intersects with contested regional dynamics or entrenched security architectures ... China's growing economic role is evident, but whether it has the will or capacity to assume a meaningful political or security role in the region remains an open question.' Many Middle Eastern nations have long been reliant on US security guarantees, and the region has returned to the forefront of Trump's 'America first' strategy. His recent visit to the region secured billions of dollars in AI-related investments – an arena of intense competition between Washington and Beijing. At last week's China-Asean Gulf Cooperation Council forum in Malaysia, Chinese Premier Li Qiang pledged to deepen regional economic integration, aiming to build a market where investment, technology and talent move freely. While many Southeast Asian nations have been open to China's call for a multipolar world, they have also been assessing whether Beijing was 'fully living up to' the ideals it has been pitching, especially when it comes to its approach on the South China Sea, according to Dylan Loh, a Chinese foreign policy specialist at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. 'While [China] speaks of an equitable, multipolar and just world, [Southeast Asian] states are also assessing if this is the case. Its actions in the South China Sea, for instance, are seen by some as not fully aligning with some of the principles it espouses,' he said. Long-standing sovereignty disputes over the resource-rich region have strained China's relations with several Asean members. The contested waterway has also increasingly become a flashpoint for military tensions between China and US allies. Shi Yinhong, an international relations professor at Renmin University, said multipolarisation may offer smaller nations greater room to manoeuvre but also more pressure to choose sides. It remained doubtful that Trump's 'isolationism' would provide more room for China to increase its influence in the developing world, he added, noting that issues such as the South China Sea, Iran and Russia's war in Ukraine would continue to strain China's relations with Europe and the Global South. 'Apart from some limited and somewhat empty diplomatic gains, China's financial resources will be further squeezed, especially with that consumptive overseas involvement, if the Belt and Road Initiative has not been implemented effectively.' China has begun pivoting its belt and road spending toward more financially sustainable projects in green energy and hi-tech sectors as it continues to face economic headwinds. Many economists have predicted that sustained US tariffs would further slow its economy. Jo Inge Bekkevold, a Senior China Fellow at the Norwegian Institute for Defence Studies, said China's push for multipolarity has gained a lot of traction in the Global South, but less so in Europe. China has long seen the EU as a key pole in a multipolar world, urging Brussels to maintain 'strategic autonomy' as the bloc has aligned with Washington to counter Beijing's influence. EU-China relations have shown signs of thaw as transatlantic ties have been strained over Trump's tariffs and Ukraine policies. In a recent exchange of notes with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President Antonio Costa to mark 50 years of diplomatic ties, Xi called the EU a 'major force' in building a multipolar world alongside China. Bekkevold said Europe had not fully agreed with 'America's threat assessment of China' due to geographic distance, which has also allowed it more room to hedge and sustain economic ties with Beijing. At a May forum hosted by the EU delegation to China, European experts also pointed out that while Brussels and Beijing shared an interest in preserving UN-based multilateralism, their strategies and interpretations of it differed. When asked about possible EU cooperation with Brics, Justyna Szczudlik, deputy head of research and coordinator of the Asia-Pacific Programme at the Polish Institute of International Affairs, said Brics was 'China-led multilateralism', adding that the bloc had its 'own agenda' with the Global South. The EU has also diversified its global partnerships, recently signing a major trade agreement with the South American trade bloc Mercosur and pursuing a deal with India by year's end. According to Amit Ranjan, a China-India relations expert at the National University of Singapore, India saw multipolarisation as a way to gain influence in global governance. 'India also projects itself as an important player in world politics and world diplomacy. Therefore, India always calls for reformed multilateralism, because in the current multilateral structure, especially like the UN, it does not have a suitable space for New Delhi,' he said. Ranjan pointed to the UN Security Council, where India's bid for permanent membership has been blocked by China, which has been reluctant to share its status as the sole Asian permanent member amid concerns it could dilute Beijing's influence. Ranjan added that, like China, India has also considered itself a leader for the Global South and has been engaging with state players. Since 2023, India has hosted the annual Voice of Global South Summit with more than 100 nations taking part. It has long pushed back against China's dominance in Brics and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and has refused to endorse the Belt and Road Initiative. Additional reporting by Dewey Sim - SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST
The Sun
8 hours ago
- The Sun
Potential of single Asean currency
AS global economic uncertainties continue to mount, Southeast Asia stands at a strategic crossroads. The recent surge in trade tensions, particularly those stemming from the US's tariff policies and restrictive trade measures, has reignited discussions across Asean nations about the need for greater financial and monetary integration. One idea, long debated but never realised, has resurfaced with renewed urgency – the adoption of a single Asean currency. The US has increasingly adopted protectionist trade practices, disrupted global supply chains and raised the cost of doing business. The ongoing US–China tariff war, for example, continues to unsettle Asean exporters, particularly in electronics, palm oil and rubber. According to the World Bank, the Southeast Asian region could lose an estimated US$13 billion (RM55 billion) annually due to ripple effects from trade fragmentation and tariff hikes. Currency volatility adds another layer of unpredictability. The Thai baht, Malaysian ringgit and Indonesian rupiah have all experienced significant depreciation against the US dollar over the past year, making imports more expensive and external debt burdens heavier. A single regional currency could act as a buffer, shielding Asean economies from external shocks and speculative currency attacks. The European Union's adoption of the euro has created one of the largest and most stable currency unions in the world, bringing 19 countries under a unified monetary policy. While challenges remain – as seen during the Greek debt crisis – the benefits of the euro in promoting price stability, enhancing trade and reducing transaction costs are undeniable. Eurozone trade within member states rose by over 50% in the first decade of the euro's introduction, according to data from the European Central Bank. Asean already has some groundwork laid. The Chiang Mai Initiative Multi-lateralisation, Asean+3 Macroeconomic Research Office and the Asean Economic Community indicate that economic collaboration is not only feasible but already partially in motion. Intra-Asean trade now accounts for more than 22% of total Asean trade, worth over US$800 billion annually, according to the Asean Statistical Brief. Countries such as Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam and Thailand are increasingly interlinked in production and consumption. Harmonising currency would eliminate foreign exchange costs, encourage regional investment and boost economic resilience. Moreover, the growing influence of China's yuan and the possible future expansion of BRICS' financial infrastructure present a challenge to Asean central banks, which are still highly reliant on the US dollar. A single Asean currency could strengthen the bloc's bargaining power in global negotiations and reduce overdependence on Western financial systems. Critics rightly point out the challenges, such as differences in inflation rates, fiscal discipline, political structures and financial market maturity. Asean is more diverse economically than the Eurozone, ranging from high-income Singapore to emerging economies like Laos and Myanmar. However, unity does not require uniformity. A staged implementation – beginning with a currency basket peg or a digital Asean currency for intra-bloc trade – could serve as a realistic first step. Digital tools such as QR-code payments and central bank digital currencies, already in use in Thailand, Singapore and Malaysia, can fast-track integration. The post-Covid-19 world is reshaping global economic priorities. With ongoing trade disruptions and geopolitical instability, Asean must ask itself whether continuing with fragmented currencies serves its future. Now is the time for the region to boldly envision a future anchored in monetary unity. A single Asean currency is not just a dream – it could be the key to securing long-term stability, growth and independence in an increasingly uncertain world. Dr Uma Murthy and Dr Paul Anthony Maria Das are lecturers at the School of Accounting and Finance, Taylor's Business School, Faculty of Business and Law, Taylor's University. Comments: letters@
