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Supreme Court appears likely to side with straight woman in `reverse discrimination' case

Supreme Court appears likely to side with straight woman in `reverse discrimination' case

Yahoo27-02-2025

WASHINGTON − The Supreme Court on Wednesday seemed ready to rule − possibly unanimously − that members of a majority group do not face an extra hurdle when alleging 'reverse discrimination' in the workplace.
'We're in radical agreement today on that, it seems to me,' Justice Neil Gorsuch said.
The case was being argued amid a raging battle in the country over diversity, equity and inclusion programs.
But the justices steered clear of that larger debate and focused solely on the appeal of an Ohio civil servant, a heterosexual, who said she lost two jobs to gay co-workers she felt were less qualified.
When Marlean Ames tried to sue the Ohio Department of Youth Services, lower courts said she'd failed to provide 'background circumstances' showing the department was 'that unusual employer who discriminates against the majority.'
That's a test created in 1981 by a federal appeals court that is used by some, but not most, of the federal courts when assessing claims brought under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit said in 1981 that while white people are covered by the Civil Rights Act, it defied common sense 'to suggest that the promotion of a black employee justifies an inference of prejudice against white co-workers in our present society.'
But the law itself, which bans discrimination based on 'race, color, religion, sex or national origin,' doesn't set different thresholds for members of minority and majority groups.
Ames' lawyers told the justices her suit would not have been dismissed at this stage of the litigation if she had been gay and the employees who got the jobs she wanted were not.
'At bottom, all Ms. Ames is asking for is equal justice under law,' Xiao Wang, one of her lawyers, told the court in referring to the phrase that appears above the main entrance to the Supreme Court. 'Not more justice, but certainly not less. And certainly not less because of the color of her skin or because of her sex or because of her religion.'
T. Elliot Gaiser, Ohio's solicitor general, agreed that Ames shouldn't face an extra hurdle.
'But that is not what happened in this case,' Gaiser said.
Instead, he contended, Ames failed to show enough evidence that her sexual orientation played any role in the hiring decisions.
Gaiser said the Cincinnati-based 6th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals was correct to say her suit could not move forward to a jury trial, even if the court's explanation for the dismissal implied Ames was held to a higher standard.
'We're not defending the exact language there,' he said.
But Justice Elena Kagan called that language 'absolutely critical' and pointed out it was the reason the court took the case.
Gaiser said that the court should still make clear that the burden can't solely be on the employer to show why an act wasn't discriminatory.
Justice Amy Coney Barrett asked Ames' attorney whether there's a legitimate concern that siding with her would make it too easy for workers to sue.
Wang said that wouldn't happen because the federal courts that don't use the "background circumstances" test haven't seen a 'flood of litigation.'
Still, Jonathan Segal, a labor law expert at Duane Morris, predicted a ruling for Ames will boost the already increasing number of reverse discrimination suits.
'On a broader level, the ruling will reinforce to the public that the law prohibits discrimination equally against majority and minority groups alike,' he said in a statement after listening to the oral arguments.
Ashley Robertson, an attorney for the Department of Justice who was given time to make the federal government's case for why the lower courts got the law wrong, said it would be helpful for the Supreme Court to clarify that evidentiary standards are the same for members of majority and minority groups.
But Robertson emphasized that doesn't mean the cases should always go to trial. Employers are usually able to give an alternative explanation for a challenged action and that can be difficult for the worker to rebut, she said.
In Ames' case, the Ohio Department of Youth Services said she was passed over for a promotion because she lacked the necessary vision and leadership skills.
Officials said she was then demoted from her administrator position because she wouldn't bring a proactive approach to the department's increased emphasis on combatting sexual violence in the juvenile corrections system.
A decision in Ames v. Ohio Department of Youth Services is expected by summer.
This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Supreme Court likely to side with woman in reverse discrimination case

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PG&E restarts huge grid battery following Moss Landing fire next door
PG&E restarts huge grid battery following Moss Landing fire next door

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PG&E restarts huge grid battery following Moss Landing fire next door

One of the biggest grid batteries in California has resumed operations following the cataclysmic Moss Landing fire in January. The San Francisco Bay Area's power grid used to draw on two battery storage plants in the quiet seaside town of Moss Landing. Texas-based power company Vistra built the nation's largest standalone grid battery on the grounds of an old gas power plant there, and utility Pacific Gas and Electric Co. built and owns the Elkhorn project next door. A roaring fire engulfed Vistra's historic turbine hall in January, wrecking rows of lithium-ion batteries that delivered 300 megawatts of instantaneous grid power. That site is still in shambles. PG&E's battery plant suffered far less disruption: Hot ash blew over the fenceline from Vistra's property, posing an environmental hazard and potentially clogging batteries' thermal management systems. But after several months of remediation, cleaning, and testing, PG&E was able to flip the switch Sunday to reconnect Elkhorn to the grid. That timing proved fortuitous, as it restored 182.5 megawatts/730 megawatt-hours of storage capacity into the power-hungry Silicon Valley grid corridor right before the region's first major heat wave of the summer. 'The concern was lower in the winter months, with demand lower,' said Dave Gabbard, vice president of power generation at PG&E. 'It will be critical to have assets like Elkhorn available as we get into the peak summer months.' Indeed, California has been building grid batteries at a record pace, to store the state's nation-leading solar generation and deliver it during crucial hours, like after sunset. The tech is displacing some gas-fired power generation in the state. California's battery fleet passed 15.7 gigawatts installed per a May tally, which Gov. Gavin Newsom's office touted as 'an unprecedented milestone.' The governor, a Democrat, did not specify why the 15.7-GW threshold merits particular attention, but it does mean California has added more than 5 GW since it crossed the 10-GW mark a year prior. 'The pace of construction for large-scale energy storage in California is phenomenal, the kind of accomplishment that was beyond our wildest dreams a few years ago,' said Scott Murtishaw, executive director of the California Energy Storage Alliance. The state's battery buildout is plowing ahead. But Vistra's fiery failure sparked deep community concerns about battery safety in California and beyond, as Moss Landing residents were forced to evacuate for several days and plumes of smoke loomed over surrounding estuaries and farmlands. In April, Vistra rescinded an application to build a 600-MW battery in Morro Bay, two hours down the coast from Moss Landing, following significant local resistance that intensified after the January fire. 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Cuomo campaign attorney goes after union that criticized him
Cuomo campaign attorney goes after union that criticized him

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Cuomo campaign attorney goes after union that criticized him

NEW YORK — Andrew Cuomo's campaign attorney recently threatened a union that endorsed one of his rivals, issuing a cease-and-desist letter over its criticisms of the frontrunning New York City mayoral candidate, according to a copy of the letter obtained by POLITICO. Longtime election lawyer Martin Connor admonished the Manhattan-based Communications Workers of America Local 1180, alleging its campaign literature made 'false and defamatory claims' against the former governor. The union endorsed Cuomo opponent Adrienne Adams, the City Council speaker who stands to draw some votes away from the former governor's base of Black Democrats. A super PAC backing Cuomo has handily outspent Adams — and every other candidate — with $8 million so far, according to the media tracking firm AdImpact. Adams is expected to begin airing ads soon, following a $2 million cash infusion from the city's Campaign Finance Board Friday. A filer posted to the union's website — dubbed the 'top 10 reasons' not to support Cuomo — matches the issues outlined in Connor's letter. Among the lawyer's complaints laid out in the May 26 missive: The flier accused the ex-governor of never having been a New York City resident, claimed he settled a Department of Justice probe over sexual harassment allegations, charged his gubernatorial administration with covering up nursing home deaths during Covid and said he allowed a high tax rate on wealthy people to expire. And Connor took issue with the group claiming Cuomo is not a 'friend' of workers. Politically influential unions 32BJ SEIU and the Hotel and Gaming Trades Council are among the labor groups backing Cuomo — despite calling for his 2021 resignation. Adams has the backing of the CWA local and District Council 37, the largest public-sector union in the city that boosted her for Council speaker and once employed her chief of staff. Additional assertions in the union's flier — including Cuomo's push for a less generous pension tier, cost-saving labor contracts and the taxpayer money spent to defend him against sexual harassment allegations — were omitted from the letter. Connor threatened to contact elections officials and state Attorney General Letitia James — a Cuomo foe and Adams backer — 'for your deceptive and misleading claims which may interfere with legitimate voters seeking to exercise their franchise free of this sort of misinformation.' Union President Gloria Middleton declined to comment 'under the advice of my attorney.' Adams' campaign also declined to comment. Cuomo's hardball tactics — honed over a half-century of working on campaigns — are well-known and oft-reviled in New York's political world. 'It's no surprise that Adreiene Adams and her supporters are willfully distorting and lying about the governor — they've been doing it the whole campaign,' Cuomo spokesperson Rich Azzopardi said. 'New Yorkers should not be fed misinformation by people seeking to represent them — they deserve the truth and will be fighting Trumpian misinformation tactics every step of the way using every tool at our disposal.' The letter is an aggressive effort by Cuomo to silence supporters of a rival candidate before the June 24 primary, which polls show he is expected to win. It also underscores how the former governor's campaign is taking a combative posture when countering the scandals that drove him from office four years ago. Cuomo has insisted he did not purposefully hide Covid nursing home fatalities, but his administration was later found to have undercounted the number of people who died in the facilities during the initial months of the pandemic. Cuomo, who has touted his Covid leadership on the campaign trail, is reportedly under a Department of Justice investigation after a Republican-led House panel alleged he lied under oath that he personally edited a state report on the matter. Cuomo has denied lying to Congress, and on Sunday said he and his attorneys have yet to be contacted about the probe. Some of Connor's complaints are valid; others focus on rhetoric that Cuomo's critics frequently hurl at him. Cuomo is a New York City native. He grew up in Queens, though he spent the last two decades living in Westchester County and Albany before moving to Manhattan ahead of his mayoral run. Contrary to the union's flier, the former governor was not party to a DOJ settlement which was reached with his successor, Gov. Kathy Hochul, and he's denied any wrongdoing. The debate over the so-called millionaire's tax is more nuanced. 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For deportations, can a US president suspend the 'writ of habeas corpus'?
For deportations, can a US president suspend the 'writ of habeas corpus'?

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For deportations, can a US president suspend the 'writ of habeas corpus'?

Question: Can a U.S. President suspend the "writ of habeas corpus"? Answer: The writ of habeas corpus is a safeguard against unlawful detention. It requires the government to justify, under the law, holding someone in custody. The U.S. Constitution mentions only a few rights explicitly in its original text, and habeas corpus is one of them. Historically, this writ was used to try and free people who were imprisoned or detained without judicial process and was a significant reform against the King of England to prevent unlawful or arbitrary imprisonment. The writ allows individuals to petition a court to determine the legality of their detention. In the U.S. today, it is primarily used to challenge the legality or sufficiency of the legal process. So, can a President suspend it? The short answer is probably not — at least not on his own. The longer answer involves constitutional interpretation, historical precedent, and a bit of Civil War history. The Constitution addresses habeas corpus in Article I, Section 9, which lays out limits on Congress, not the President. It reads: 'The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.' The placement in Article I is important, as this article is about the powers and structure of the legislature. The placement suggests that the power to suspend belongs to Congress. That view was confirmed in 1861, during the Civil War when President Abraham Lincoln unilaterally suspended habeas corpus in parts of the country. In response, Chief Justice Roger Taney ruled in Ex parte Merryman that Lincoln's actions were unconstitutional because only Congress had the authority to suspend the writ. Eventually, Congress passed the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act of 1863, giving Lincoln the power by law, which made the issue moot. There have only been four suspensions of the writ of habeas corpus since the Constitution was ratified. The writ was suspended during the Civil War; in parts of South Carolina during Reconstruction; in two provinces of the Philippines during a 1905 insurrection; and in Hawaii after Pearl Harbor. In modern times, no President has tried to suspend habeas corpus without congressional approval. Cerabino on Trump: Three reasons Trump's 'One Big Beautiful Bill' is bad for Florida Even during World Wars, the Cold War, and the aftermath of 9/11, presidents have relied on laws passed by Congress to detain individuals or limit court access, but the writ itself has remained intact. In fact, the Supreme Court has repeatedly reinforced its importance. In Boumediene v. Bush (2008), the High Court ruled that detainees at Guantánamo Bay had a constitutional right to habeas corpus, even though they were held outside the United States. The Court called habeas corpus a 'fundamental precept of liberty.' Nonetheless, there are scholars who argue that the President might have some "emergency authority" in cases where Congress is unable to act. It is possible that this argument could get some traction in the courts today where there has been some movement toward granting the President a greater scope of authority. For now, though, it is likely that any suspension of the writ would require congressional approval based on an invasion or rebellion. Kevin Wagner is a noted constitutional scholar, political science professor, and co-Director of the PolCom Lab at Florida Atlantic University. The answers provided do not necessarily represent the views of the university. If you have a question about how American government and politics work, email him at kwagne15@ or reach him on (X) @kevinwagnerphd. This article originally appeared on Palm Beach Post: Trump wants to deport. But what about due process? | Opinion

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