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VOA Creole: US takes step to suspend its contributions to multinational security in Haiti

VOA Creole: US takes step to suspend its contributions to multinational security in Haiti

United Nations spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said the UN received "an official notification" from the United States asking to immediately stop the contribution for the multinational security support force for Haiti. Dujarric told reporters Tuesday the U.S. pledged $15 million to the Trust Fund and that $1.7 million has been spent so far. The remaining $13.3 million is frozen for now.
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Can the US pry Russia away from China?
Can the US pry Russia away from China?

Voice of America

time13-03-2025

  • Voice of America

Can the US pry Russia away from China?

Western politicians have repeatedly called on China to limit or cease tacit support for Russia's bloody war against Ukraine. In response, China's leadership insists it is committed to peace and respect for the territorial integrity of other nations. But unlike most United Nations member states, China has never condemned Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and their military-diplomatic partnership — from joint bomber flights near the U.S. state of Alaska to votes in the U.N. Security Council — has only helped the Kremlin overcome its international isolation. While President Donald Trump has said he has good personal relations with both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping, there is a consensus among experts in Washington that the China-Russia partnership poses a threat to U.S. interests, and that while Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden, tried to establish a strategic dialogue with China, the Trump team appears to be prioritizing normalized ties with Russia while punishing China over trade. As the White House talks about the possibility of restoring economic cooperation with Russia, some of its officials are hinting at lifting or reducing the sanctions Washington has imposed on Moscow in recent years. Charles Hecker, an expert on Western-Russian economic ties and risks, and author of the book Zero Sum: The Arc of International Business in Russia, says some Western companies will quickly return to Russia if sanctions are lifted, particularly those involved in energy, metals and minerals. 'There's only so much oil in Norway, and there's only so much oil in Canada; the rest of it is in some countries that have a very high-risk environment,' Hecker told VOA's Russian Service. 'And so, these kinds of companies are accustomed to business in these sorts of places, and they have the internal structures to help protect them. You know, there are energy companies doing business in Iraq right now. And I don't want to compare Russia and Iraq, but they are high-risk environments.' Still, Hecker cautions, their return to doing business in Russia wouldn't signal an overall U.S.-Russian rapprochement — let alone a fracturing of Sino-Russian relations. 'I think it will be very difficult for the West to pull Russia away from China,' he said. 'Allowing Western companies back into Russia doesn't necessarily change President Putin's hostility towards the West. President Putin remains antagonistic towards a Western-dominated political and economic system, and he has said over and over again that he wants to create an alternative political and economic environment – an alternative to the West. 'Part of that alternative includes China,' he added. 'You have never heard President Putin say anything ideologically against China. And the two are now important energy partners.' Limited popular domestic appeal U.S.-based FilterLabs analyzes public sentiment in regions where polling is problematic. According to a recently published assessment of popular attitudes expressed on Russian and Chinese social media networks, Sino-Russian relations are 'full of underlying tensions, mistrust, and diverging interests.' One of the report's authors, Vasily Gatov, told VOA its research found that 'the Chinese and Russian populations are far from happy with this alliance of their authorities.' "China does not perceive Russia as a reliable, safe and equal partner,' he said. 'Russia annexed the Amur Region from China; Russia adopted a completely colonial policy towards China during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Therefore, in my opinion, it is entirely possible to consider historical frictions as a vulnerability.' A media analyst at the University of Southern California's Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, Gatov also noted that, despite the Kremlin's expectations, China's economic presence inside Russia today remains 'several times smaller' than that of either Europe or the U.S. before Russia invaded Ukraine. Thus, while Russian and China have overlapping interests, they are not 'marching in lockstep.' "They are very different, they have very different geopolitical focuses, very different political philosophies,' he said. Other experts, however, question the Filterlabs findings, warning that random Russian and Chinese opinions online are of limited value, especially as those casting the insights aren't likely to influence policy. "People who have the time and desire to comment on things on social media do not have much influence on how state policy is conducted,' Alexander Gabuev, director of the Berlin-based Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, told VOA. 'And these people certainly do not have much influence on whether China transfers components for Russia's weapons or takes certain military technologies from it, since the people who comment on this simply do not have real knowledge of what is actually happening.' Gabuev added that 'the Chinese leadership has reasons to think that they have something to take from Russia in terms of military technology,' suggesting that China is extremely interested in gaining Russian experience in countering Western weapons during Russia's war in Ukraine. Does Trump see China as a threat? One critical question about whether Washington's improved ties with Russia will loosen the Sino-Russian pact, say some analysts, is how Trump perceives China. Ali Wyne, senior research and advocacy advisor on the U.S. and China at the International Crisis Group, describes Trump as an anomaly for U.S. policy. 'Widespread bipartisan agreement in Congress and from one administration to the next [is] that China is American's foremost strategic competitor,' he said. But 'President Trump, in many ways, is the most prominent dissenter from this alleged China consensus.' 'He doesn't view President Xi [Jinping] in adversarial terms,' Wyne said. 'He actually calls President Xi a 'dear friend' of his. And he believes that his personal rapport with President Xi will be the decisive dynamic in setting — or resetting — the U.S.-China relationship over the next four years.'

Attacks, Ugandan troops undermine South Sudan minister's assurance of calm
Attacks, Ugandan troops undermine South Sudan minister's assurance of calm

Voice of America

time11-03-2025

  • Voice of America

Attacks, Ugandan troops undermine South Sudan minister's assurance of calm

Michael Makuei Lueth, South Sudan's information minister, has publicly dismissed concerns about the country's instability, claiming that rumors and social media fuel the fears. That claim is false. Several events on the ground and key assessments directly contradict Lueth's assertion. United Nations assessment The United Nations has reported that the situation in South Sudan has deteriorated significantly. According to U.N. reports, tensions have been rising due to internal conflict, particularly between forces loyal to President Salva Kiir and those aligned with Vice President Riek Machar. The U.N. has also highlighted the fragile nature of the 2018 peace agreement that ended South Sudan's civil war, with fighting taking place in regions such as Upper Nile and Nasir. Attacks on UN personnel On March 7, a U.N. helicopter evacuating South Sudanese troops was attacked, resulting in the deaths of U.N. personnel and several South Sudanese soldiers, including a senior general. This attack highlights the ongoing violence and risks to personnel operating in South Sudan. Regional military involvement The Ugandan military has deployed its special forces to assist South Sudan's government in securing Juba and addressing growing instability. This move underlines the severity of the situation; deployment of foreign troops is usually a sign that the situation has reached a critical point. Militia activity and political tensions The 'White Army' militia, associated with Machar's forces, overran an army base in Nasir on March 4, killing soldiers and taking control of the city. This event is part of a larger pattern of militia activity throughout the country, fueling fears of renewed civil war. In addition, political tensions between Kiir and Machar are running high, with arrests of generals linked to Machar. US travel advisory The U.S. Department of State has issued a Level 4 travel advisory for South Sudan, the highest warning possible. This advisory specifically states that there is a 'greater risk of life-threatening danger.' The United States has advised Americans not to travel to South Sudan due to the presence of armed conflict and ordered nonessential personnel to leave the country. International Crisis Group The Brussels-based International Crisis Group, or ICG, said, 'Tensions are running dangerously high in South Sudan.' The ICG has raised concerns over the possibility of renewed civil war, especially with militias such as the White Army taking control of strategic areas such as Nasir. The ICG also warned that fighting in Upper Nile could spill over into other regions, including Sudan. The 2013-2018 civil war in South Sudan claimed the lives of some 400,000 people. Conclusion Lueth's claim that there is no fear and that the situation is under control is false. Independent and international assessments provide a much different picture. These sources indicate a rapidly deteriorating security situation, with growing violence, political instability and the possibility of renewed civil war. The presence of foreign military forces, such as the Ugandan special forces in Juba, along with the U.S. travel advisory, further underscore the serious and escalating nature of the crisis in South Sudan.

Fate of 8 Uyghurs in Thailand in limbo after 40 deported to China
Fate of 8 Uyghurs in Thailand in limbo after 40 deported to China

Voice of America

time11-03-2025

  • Voice of America

Fate of 8 Uyghurs in Thailand in limbo after 40 deported to China

Human rights advocates say at least some of the eight ethnic minority Uyghurs who remain in Thailand's custody since authorities deported 40 others to China last month are at risk of the same fate. After weeks of denying it was planning to repatriate any of the 48 Chinese Uyghurs it had held since arresting them for illegal entry in 2014, Thailand abruptly turned 40 of them over to China on Feb. 27. The United States, United Nations and international rights groups strongly condemned Thailand for sending Uyghurs back to China. They say it violates Thailand's international treaty obligations and, as of 2023, its own domestic law against deporting people to countries where they face a good chance of being abused or tortured. The United States and others have accused Beijing of genocide over its treatment of the Turkic-speaking Muslim minority Uyghurs in China's western Xinjiang province. The United Nations says their treatment may amount to crimes against humanity. Beijing denies the allegations. The Thai and Chinese governments have said nothing about the eight Uyghurs who were not sent back to China last month. The two governments have ignored VOA requests for comment. But rights groups tell VOA they have confirmed that all eight remain in Thai custody — three in immigration detention without charge, with the other five serving prison sentences since 2020 for robbery and attempted escape from a detention center. They say the five in prison face the greatest risk of being deported once their prison terms end. 'After they complete their sentence, they have to come back to the immigration detention centers. That is … worrisome, because if there [is] the push from the Chinese again, these five people might be the most vulnerable group of people that will be deported again,' Kannavee Suebsang, an opposition lawmaker and deputy chair of the House of Representatives Committee on Legal Affairs, Justice and Human Rights, told VOA. He said their sentences are due to end in 2029. Rights groups, though, say the five could face a forced return to China much earlier than that if they are added to the lists of prisoners pardoned by Thailand's king on royal holidays each year. 'We are very concerned' In a statement addressing the Feb. 27 deportations posted online the day after, the Thai government said China had in fact asked for the return of 45 'Chinese nationals,' referring to the Uyghurs. Krittaporn Semsantad, program director for the Peace Rights Foundation, a Thai rights group, says that number appears to include the five Uyghurs still in prison in Thailand — a sign, she believes, that China wants them returned as well. 'So, yes, we are very … concerned,' she told VOA. 'It could be very high risk and very high chance that these five will be sent back after they finish their sentence.' For the eight Uyghurs still in Thai custody, 'the danger is not passed yet,' agreed Polat Sayim, an ethnic Uyghur living in Australia and the executive committee vice chair of the World Uyghur Congress. Chalida Tajaroensuk, who heads Thailand's People's Empowerment Foundation, another local rights group, echoed their concerns. She told VOA she visited the five Uyghurs in prison the day after the 40 were deported and said they were terrified of being forced back to China as well. 'They are afraid, and they also cried. They don't want to go back,' she said. 'We need to closely monitor' The rights groups told VOA that their sources in the Thai government and inside its detained centers have told them the other three Uyghurs also remain in Thailand, in the custody of the Bureau of Immigration. Neither China nor Thailand has explained why they were not deported along with the 40 last month. Unlike the five Uyghurs in prison, Kannavee and the rights groups say these three, who also hail from China, claimed to have come from other countries when they were first caught in Thailand, which may have helped to spare them from being sent back. 'But still we need to also closely monitor about the situation of the three, because they [have] already been disclosed, I mean their information has been disclosed that they are [from] the same group of the Uyghurs,' said Kannavee, who previously worked for the U.N.'s refugee agency in Bangladesh, Myanmar and Thailand. He was referring to the more than 300 Uyghurs Thailand caught entering the country illegally in 2014 as they sought to make their way to Turkey, where some had relatives, and other countries. Of that group, Thailand deported 173 mostly women and children to Turkey in 2015 but sent 109, most of them men, back to China days later. Those sent back to China have not been heard from since. Following the rebukes over last month's deportations, the Thai government said Beijing had assured it that the Uyghurs would be treated well and that Bangkok could send envoys to check up on them regularly. Rights groups and opposition lawmakers such as Kannavee, though, say they take little comfort in Beijing's promises and still hope to persuade the Thai government to let the eight Uyghurs who remain in its custody settle elsewhere. 'We don't have a country' Thai officials initially claimed that no other country had offered to take in the Uyghurs but later acknowledged that some had, without naming them, and that Thailand turned them down for fear that China might retaliate. The Reuters news agency has reported that Australia, Canada and the United States all offered to resettle the Uyghurs. A spokesperson for the U.S. State Department told VOA on Sunday it had been working with Thailand for years to avoid their return to China, 'including by consistently and repeatedly offering to resettle the Uyghurs in other countries, including, at times, the United States.' Sayim, of the World Uyghur Congress, said those countries should keep their offers open for the eight Uyghurs Thailand still holds, and continue putting pressure on the Thai government to accept. 'We don't have [a] country. That's why we have to ask European countries if they can help. … Always we asking [the] U.S., Canada, U.K., Germany, Australia if they could make a decision and take them,' he said. 'The Thai government shouldn't give these people back to China. They know it's not good when they go back.'

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