Leo, the first US pope, criticises nationalist politics at Sunday Mass
Pope Leo criticised the emergence of nationalist political movements on Sunday, calling them unfortunate, without naming a specific country or national leader.
Leo, the first pope from the US, asked during a Mass with a crowd of tens of thousands in St. Peter's Square that God would "open borders, break down walls (and) dispel hatred."
"There is no room for prejudice, for 'security' zones separating us from our neighbours, for the exclusionary mindset that, unfortunately, we now see emerging also in political nationalisms," said the pontiff.
Leo, the former Cardinal Robert Prevost, was elected on May 8 to succeed the late Pope Francis as leader of the 1.4-billion-member Church.
Before becoming pontiff, Prevost was not shy about criticising US President Donald Trump, sharing numerous disapproving posts about Trump and Vice-President JD Vance on X in recent years.
The Vatican has not confirmed the new pope's ownership of the X account, which had the handle @drprevost, and was deactivated after Leo's election.
Francis, pope for 12 years, was a sharp critic of Trump. The late pope said in January that the president's plan to deport millions of migrants in the US during his second term was a "disgrace."
Earlier, Francis said Trump was "not Christian" because of his views on immigration.
"A person who thinks only about building walls, wherever they may be, and not building bridges, is not Christian," Francis said when asked about Trump in 2016.
Leo was celebrating a Mass for Pentecost, one of the Church's most important holidays.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The National
an hour ago
- The National
National guard arrives in Los Angeles after Donald Trump orders deployment to quell protests
National Guard troops began arriving in Los Angeles on Sunday, after President Donald Trump issued an order to deploy troops to quell protests over immigration raids. Mr Trump said the 2,000 guards were doing a 'great job'. 'These Radical Left protests, by instigators and often paid troublemakers, will NOT BE TOLERATED,' he wrote on Truth Social. He added that protesters would not be allowed to wear face masks. Street protests erupted on Friday in Los Angeles after a series of immigration raids by federal agents. At least 44 people were detained on alleged immigration offences. Footage showed burnt vehicles and piles of trash in the streets, and protesters hurling fireworks at police officers. Los Angeles, the second-largest city in the US, is home to a large immigrant community, predominantly from Mexico and other parts of Central and South America. California's Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom condemned Mr Trump's move, calling it 'purposely inflammatory', and said it would only worsen tensions. The Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem said the deployed guards are 'specifically trained for this type of crowd situation.' 'Governor Newsom has proven that he makes bad decisions,' Ms Noem said in an interview with CBS on Sunday. 'The President knows that he makes bad decisions, and that's why the President chose the safety of this community over waiting for Governor Newsom to get some sanity.' Mr Trump, a Republican, ran on a campaign promise to conduct the largest deportation campaign in the nation's history. Since taking office, Mr Trump has charged US Immigration and Customs Enforcement, a federal law enforcement agency, with detaining people living in the US without documentation. The White House recently set a goal for agents to arrest at least 3,000 migrants a day. Thousands have been swiftly deported, sometimes without due process. The sweeping raids have also affected people with no criminal record, or who are legal residents in the country. More than 200 migrants, primarily from Venezuela, have been sent to a prison in El Salvador.
Khaleej Times
2 hours ago
- Khaleej Times
President Trump rewarding loyalists with pardon spree
Reality TV stars. Former lawmakers. A sheriff. A nursing home executive. A drug kingpin. What do they have in common? They are among the Americans convicted of crimes who have received pardons from President Donald Trump since he took office in January. And while US presidents have doled out questionable pardons in the past, Trump is doing so "in a bigger, more aggressive way with sort of no sense of shame," said Kermit Roosevelt, a law professor at the University of Pennsylvania. "The pardon power has always been a little bit problematic because it's this completely unconstrained power that the president has," Roosevelt told AFP. "Most presidents have issued at least some pardons where people look at them and they say: 'This seems to be self-serving' or 'This seems to be corrupt in some way.'" But Trump is doling out pardons "that look like they're almost quid pro quo for financial donations," Roosevelt said. Among those receiving a pardon was Paul Walczak, a nursing home executive convicted of tax crimes and whose mother attended a $1-million-per-plate fund-raising dinner at Trump's Mar-a-Lago home in April. Other beneficiaries of Trump pardons include reality TV stars Todd and Julie Chrisley, who were serving lengthy prison sentences for bank fraud and tax evasion. Their daughter, Savannah, is a prominent Trump supporter and gave a speech at last year's Republican National Convention. More than half a dozen former Republican lawmakers convicted of various crimes have also received pardons along with a Virginia sheriff sentenced to 10 years in prison for taking $75,000 in bribes. On his first day in office, Trump pardoned more than 1,500 supporters who stormed the US Capitol on January 6, 2021 as they sought to prevent congressional certification of Democrat Joe Biden's 2020 election victory. The next day, Trump pardoned Ross Ulbricht, who had been serving a life sentence for running the "Silk Road" online marketplace that facilitated millions of dollars of drug sales. - 'Just another deal' - Barbara McQuade, a former prosecutor who now teaches law at the University of Michigan, said Trump is not the first president to be accused of "allowing improper factors to influence their pardon decisions." Gerald Ford's pardon of Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton's pardon of a commodities trader whose wife was a major Democratic donor and Biden's pardon of his son, Hunter, and other family members all drew some criticism. "(But) Trump is in a class by himself in both scope and shamelessness," McQuade said in a Bloomberg opinion column. "To him, pardons are just another deal. "As long as a defendant can provide something of value in return, no crime seems too serious," she said. Democratic lawmaker Jamie Raskin, in a letter to Ed Martin, Trump's pardon attorney at the Justice Department, asked what criteria are being used to recommend pardons. "It at least appears that you are using the Office of the Pardon Attorney to dole out pardons as favors to the President's loyal political followers and most generous donors," Raskin wrote. Martin for his part has made no secret of the partisan nature of the pardons recommended by his office. "No MAGA left behind," Martin said on X after the pardon of the bribe-taking Virginia sheriff, a reference to Trump's "Make America Great Again" slogan. Lee Kovarsky, a University of Texas law professor, said Trump's "pardon spree" opens up a "menacing new frontier of presidential power" that he calls "patronage pardoning." By reducing the penalty for misconduct, Trump is making a "public commitment to protect and reward loyalism, however criminal," Kovarsky said in a New York Times opinion piece.
The National
4 hours ago
- The National
Trump has little to show on Ukraine and Iran
It's been a tough month for US President Donald Trump, who wants to continue believing that no one matches his stature. In his view, God spared his life after an assassination attempt so that he could 'Make America Great Again'. His foreign policy achievements during his historic visit to the Gulf Arab states are undeniable but his failures on Ukraine and Iran now weigh heavily on him before the G7 Summit (June 15–17) and Nato Summit (June 24–25). Mr Trump abhors weakness – especially the appearance of it in front of friends-adversaries. He and his team appear to be making mistakes yet pretending all is well. They're claiming things are even improving, which only compounds the crisis. The US–Iran talks have become a barometer for the Trump administration's disarray and internal divisions. More troubling, however, is the failure to grasp – or the deliberate dismissal of – the consequences of the President's positions and those of his de facto personal foreign minister, envoy Steve Witkoff, who now wields extraordinary powers. From the thorny Ukraine file to developments in tiny Lebanon – caught in the crosshairs of Iran and Israel – US policy appears scattered. Mr Trump's first official meeting with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz passed smoothly, both men eager to move past prior disputes, though no unified policies emerged on the conflict on Europe's eastern doorstep. They discussed defence, trade, Nord Stream 2, relations with China, US tariff threats to Europe, migration, and, of course, Russia and Ukraine. They tackled Nato defence spending and how best to handle tariffs. Yet, it is the Ukraine crisis that will primarily shape the future of Mr Trump's relations with Nato allies and the G7. It's not enough for Europeans – especially Germany, now positioning itself to lead Europe again – that the US President expresses sympathy with phrases like 'the situation in Ukraine is very sad'. That is sentiment, not policy. Mr Merz wanted details about the 75-minute call between Mr Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin that occurred the day before the Trump–Merz meeting. We know Mr Putin vowed retaliation for a recent Ukrainian strike that destroyed a third of Russia's strategic bombers, but what comes next and where does the Trump administration really stand? In essence, Mr Merz appeared to have put to have put pressure on Mr Trump during their White House meeting. Mr Trump didn't treat him like he has others – particularly Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, whom Mr Trump had publicly scolded and mocked in a brazen breach of diplomatic decorum. Mr Merz's professionalism eclipsed Mr Trump's theatrics, including blaming the invasion of Ukraine on his predecessor, Joe Biden. The US President called Mr Merz 'a tough guy, but a good one,' amid broad smiles between two men fully aware of the depth of the transatlantic rift and the urgent need to halt its deterioration. Indeed, Mr Merz is no pushover. Germany's bid to reclaim leadership in Europe is not something that can be mocked by Mr Trump and his team, especially as they attempt to reweave transatlantic ties not just with Russia in mind, but increasingly with China. Notably, there was no indication that Mr Trump and Mr Merz discussed Iran, even though Germany is a member of the P5+1 group of countries that brokered the Iran nuclear deal under former US President Barack Obama. The G7 Summit – comprising the US, Germany, UK, France, Italy, Canada, Japan, and the EU – will take place mid-June in Alberta, Canada. Dominating the agenda will be the Ukraine war, relations with Russia, and the various European strategies for engaging with China amid an ongoing tariff war. As of now, Mr Trump has little to show for at the summit to claim success or fulfil his promise to end the war in Ukraine. His team is trying to strike Ukraine from the G7 agenda, but to no avail. European leaders are headed to Alberta buoyed by renewed self-confidence. They will arrive in Alberta armed with political options in response to Mr Trump's tariff threats, including talks with China over a potential free trade agreement. Should such a deal materialise, it would be a blow to Mr Trump. But the fear remains that Mr Trump's reactions could become deliberately erratic and unpredictable. European leaders are factoring this into their calculations. No one wants a rupture in transatlantic relations. After all, Europe recognises the need to preserve its strategic relationship with the US, regardless of who sits in the Oval Office. America is still the anchor, and Europe knows it is the junior partner. Europe's growing strength is, in part, the result of Mr Trump's own weak leverage. That will become even more evident at the Nato Summit in The Hague. Mr Trump may succeed in extracting more defence spending from Nato allies. But his grandstanding and bigger threats could backfire – and cost him dearly if acted upon. Europe's growing strength is, in part, the result of Mr Trump's own weak leverage Europe will fiercely resist any American tampering with Nato's core guarantees, especially Article 5, which obligates mutual defence among the member states if any one of them is attacked. But if Mr Trump follows through on his threat to withdraw 20,000 US troops from Nato, he will weaken not just himself, but the US. Between now and the Nato Summit, the Ukraine war continues to escalate. Mr Trump will arrive at both the G7 and Nato summits empty-handed and deflated. As for Iran, the picture is no brighter. But before diving into the Iran issue, we must pause at Mr Trump's very public clash with billionaire Elon Musk. This isn't just a personal feud; it signals a fundamental rift on economic policy. Even if Mr Musk triggered the spat, the result reinforces Mr Trump's reputation for using people and discarding them. It leaves those around him on edge, afraid to be next. Back to Iran — and how it is tying the US President's hands ahead of both summits. This is not just due to internal rifts within Mr Trump's team over the terms and outlook of negotiations with Iran, but also because Mr Trump faces a major credibility crisis. The fear of his deadlines has eroded, replaced by confidence that Mr Trump will back down. The continuation of negotiations with Iran is essential for Mr Trump. Indeed, he and his team believe a military confrontation with Iran, triggered by a missed deadline, is a gamble that could endanger his political future. Hence, it is unlikely that Mr Trump will enforce his ultimatums or issue new ones with the seriousness of a real deadline. Instead, he is likely to allow Iran to buy time despite having denounced its stalling as intolerable and costly. Mr Trump's political prestige has somewhat faded, and he may no longer inspire the same fear, including in Iran's decision-makers. This shift has had profound consequences, both inside Iran and among its regional proxies – chiefly Hezbollah in Lebanon. The political assertiveness displayed by Tehran's leadership and Hezbollah is rooted in the assessment that Mr Trump will neither strike Iran nor allow Israel to strike its nuclear facilities. Rather, he will concede to Iran's red lines of no discussion of ballistic missiles and no compromise on its proxy doctrine – currently on display in Iran's foreign policy on Syria and Lebanon. The Trump administration's missteps are consequential. Tehran's rhetoric now focuses less on destroying the 'Zionist entity' and more on protesting Israel's racial policies. Iranian officials even admit that the ongoing negotiations are, behind the scenes, also with Israel – not just America. The entire Middle East hopes for the negotiations to succeed, but not if success means the continued use by both Iran and Israel of some Arab countries – especially Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iraq – as proxy battlefields to avoid a direct war. Indeed, neither Israel has any good faith towards Lebanon nor is Iran willing to use Hezbollah for its aims. Both powers trample on Lebanese sovereignty in tacit co-ordination not far from Mr Trump's earshot. While Mr Trump is buying and selling time to Iran to protect his political standing, his envoy-turned-substitute-foreign-minister Steve Witkoff has pulled Morgan Ortagus from her role overseeing implementation of the Lebanon–Israel ceasefire deal – one Mr Trump himself had helped the Biden team achieve. Whether Ms Ortagus stays or goes is less important than the fact that no replacement has been named, which raises concerns about the Trump team's short-sightedness – or worse, a more dangerous hidden agenda. Lebanon's three executive leaders – President Joseph Aoun, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri – must stop stalling on disarming Hezbollah. One day they hide behind the facade of 'dialogue,' which only emboldens Hezbollah. Another, they cite fear of blatant Hezbollah threats. Yet another, they say Washington has failed to pressure Israel to honour its own commitments under the ceasefire, without which Lebanon cannot proceed with disarmament. Something smells fishy and Mr Trump's entourage of billionaires and cronies remains oblivious to the dangers of Iran's negotiation tactics and Israel's duplicity, which is fuelling more violence and rash decisions from its leaders. Everyone is holding everyone at gunpoint: Iran with the US President, preparing to retaliate for any Israeli strike by emulating Ukraine's model of launching hundreds of drones in one wave. Even if 90 per cent are intercepted, that appears to be acceptable – as long as some hit Israel and Mr Trump takes the blame. Israel's government, too, is holding the US President at gunpoint, preparing to take on Iran's nuclear threat alone – making Mr Trump look weak and indecisive. Together, Iran and Israel are holding Lebanon at gunpoint using it as their battlefield of choice to destroy each other but unable to finish the job – while the Lebanese people pay the price. The upcoming G7 and Nato summits have Mr Trump over a barrel – not just due to the European awakening from political slumber, but because his erratic style has left him exposed. His threats no longer carry the same weight. 'No one knows what Donald Trump will do,' his supporters say with admiration. But surprise isn't a strategy. And unpredictability is not a hallmark of political wisdom.
