Where do the parties stand after the leaders' debates?
Chief political correspondent Rosemary Barton speaks with former Liberal cabinet minister Mary Ng, former Conservative cabinet minister Lisa Raitt and former NDP MP Nathan Cullen about post-debate momentum and the parties' platforms. Plus, the Sunday Scrum with CBC Radio host Catherine Cullen of The House, National Post parliamentary reporter Catherine Lévesque and Globe and Mail energy reporter Emma Graney.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Winnipeg Free Press
an hour ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
UK to hold national inquiry into organized child sexual abuse after pressure from Musk
LONDON (AP) — The British government announced Saturday it will hold a national inquiry into organized child sexual abuse, something it has long been pressured to do by opposition politicians — and Elon Musk. Prime Minister Keir Starmer said he would accept a recommendation from an independent reviewer for a judge-led inquiry with the power to summon witnesses. Starmer said he would 'look again' and hold a probe into what the press have dubbed 'grooming gangs' of men who prey on often young and vulnerable women. In some of the most high-profile cases to come to trial, the perpetrators were men of Pakistani heritage, and the issue has been taken up by right-of-center politicians including Reform UK leader Nigel Farage, and stoked by Musk, who took to his X platform to condemn Starmer over the issue. Musk criticized Starmer for not backing a national inquiry into the matter following a request from the local authority in the northern English town of Oldham, where police found girls under 18 were sexually exploited by groups of men in the 2000s and 2010s. Musk also alleged that Starmer failed to bring perpetrators to justice when he was England's chief prosecutor between 2008 and 2013, a charge that the prime minister vigorously denied. Because the cases in Oldham and similar ones in several other towns involved predominantly white girls abused by men largely from Pakistani backgrounds, the issue has been used to link child sexual abuse to immigration, and to accuse politicians of covering up the crimes out of a fear of appearing racist. A 2022 report into what happened in the northwest England town of Oldham between 2011 and 2014 found that children were failed by local agencies, but that there was no cover-up despite 'legitimate concerns' that the far-right would capitalize on 'the high-profile convictions of predominantly Pakistani offenders across the country.' In January the government said it would support several local inquiries into child exploitation in cities where gangs of men were prosecuted. It had previously said there was no need for further investigations following a string of previous inquiries, both local and national. A seven-year inquiry was held under the previous Conservative government, but many of the 20 recommendations it made in 2022 — including compensation for abuse victims — have yet to be implemented. Starmer's government also asked Louise Casey, an expert on victim's rights and social welfare, to review previous findings. Her review has been submitted to the government but has not yet been published. 'I have never said we should not look again at any issue,' Starmer said as he flew to Canada for a Group of Seven summit. 'I have wanted to be assured that on the question of any inquiry. That's why I asked Louise Casey who I hugely respect to do an audit. 'Her position when she started the audit was that there was not a real need for a national inquiry over and above what was going on. She has looked at the material she has looked at and she has come to the view that there should be a national inquiry on the basis of what she has seen. 'I have read every single word of her report and I am going to accept her recommendation.' The main opposition Conservative Party offered a swift response. 'Those in authority deliberately covered up the systematic rape of thousands of girls as young as 10 because the perpetrators were mainly of Pakistani origin. They thought race relations were more important than protecting young girls,' Conservative law and order spokesman Chris Philp said. 'The truth must now come out and people in positions of authority responsible for the cover up held to account.'
Toronto Sun
3 hours ago
- Toronto Sun
GOLDSTEIN: Liberals' clean energy crusade has been a super disaster
The U.S. has cut emissions at almost double Canada's rate, without imposing a national carbon tax Get the latest from Lorrie Goldstein straight to your inbox Prime Minister Mark Carney answers a question during question period in the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Tuesday, June 10, 2025. Photo by Sean Kilpatrick / THE CANADIAN PRESS Before Prime Minister Mark Carney attempts to turn Canada into a clean energy superpower he needs to explain why a decade of Liberal government policies intended to achieve this have been a massive failure on every front. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. THIS CONTENT IS RESERVED FOR SUBSCRIBERS ONLY Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Unlimited online access to articles from across Canada with one account. Get exclusive access to the Toronto Sun ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition that you can share, download and comment on. Enjoy insights and behind-the-scenes analysis from our award-winning journalists. Support local journalists and the next generation of journalists. Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword. SUBSCRIBE TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Unlimited online access to articles from across Canada with one account. Get exclusive access to the Toronto Sun ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition that you can share, download and comment on. Enjoy insights and behind-the-scenes analysis from our award-winning journalists. Support local journalists and the next generation of journalists. Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword. REGISTER / SIGN IN TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account. Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments. Enjoy additional articles per month. Get email updates from your favourite authors. THIS ARTICLE IS FREE TO READ REGISTER TO UNLOCK. Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments Enjoy additional articles per month Get email updates from your favourite authors Don't have an account? Create Account According to the Liberal government's own estimate, as of April 2023 it had spent or committed over $200 billion of taxpayers' money to 149 government programs addressing climate change. In terms of the primary goal of this spending, reducing Canada's industrial greenhouse gas emissions to at least 40% below 2005 levels by 2030, the latest available government data from 2023 shows emissions were just 8.5% below 2005 levels. Achieving the Liberals' 2030 target will require the equivalent of eliminating all annual emissions from Canada's transportation and building sectors in seven years, which would inevitably cause a massive recession. When environmental commissioner Jerry V. DeMarco audited 20 of the government's 149 programs, he found fewer than half were on track to achieve their goals and of 32 additional measures the government claimed would assist in reaching the 2030 target, only seven were new. Your noon-hour look at what's happening in Toronto and beyond. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. Please try again This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. His audit uncovered examples where two different government programs were funding the same projects and reporting the same expected emission cuts, raising the possibility of double counting. Read More DeMarco said the government's lack of transparency in reporting emissions made it impossible for the average citizen to understand its claims. The computer modelling used to estimate emissions was also out of date and 'recent decreases to projected 2030 emissions were not due to climate action taken by governments, but were instead because of revisions to the data used in modelling.' This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. DeMarco noted that aside from falling far short of its emission targets, Canada has the worst record of reducing emissions of any member of the G7, including the U.S. The U.S. has cut emissions at almost double Canada's rate, without imposing a national carbon tax. In terms of getting value for money, auditor general Karen Hogan reported last year that in one of the government's 149 climate programs – the now-disbanded $1-billion Sustainable Development Technology Fund – there were 90 cases where conflict-of-interest rules were ignored in awarding $76 million worth of government contracts and 10 cases where $56 million was awarded to ineligible projects. DeMarco reported last week that despite spending over $6.6 billion on government programs to help Canadians adapt to more severe weather caused by climate change since 2015, the Liberals' national adaptation strategy, released in 2023, lacked essential elements to make it effective and progress since then has been slow. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Parliamentary budget officer Yves Giroux last year estimated the cost of government subsidies to Canada's auto sector to manufacture electric vehicles and batteries at up to $52.5 billion on 13 major projects – $31.4 billion, or 60%, paid by federal taxpayers and $21.1 billion, or 40%, paid by provincial taxpayers in Ontario and Quebec. That's $6.3 billion more than the announced investments of $46.1 billion the auto sector is contributing to these projects, with many now delayed due to slower than anticipated EV sales. While Canada's employment rate and economic growth are influenced by many factors, the Liberals have repeatedly promised since coming to power in 2015 that government spending on their climate policies would lead to significant increases in jobs and economic growth, which has not been the case. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Statistics Canada reported earlier this month that Canada's unemployment rate rose to 7% in May, the highest it's been since September 2016, excluding the 2020 and 2021 pandemic years, and a 12.9% increase from 6.2% a year ago in May. RECOMMENDED VIDEO When DeMarco reported in 2023 on the Liberals' so-called 'just transition' plan to assist energy sector workers to retrain for Canada's new green economy, he concluded it didn't exist, despite the government having promised it in 2019. 'We found that as Canada shifts focus to low-carbon alternatives, the government is not prepared to provide appropriate support to … workers in the fossil fuel sector,' DeMarco said. 'The transition was being handled on a business-as-usual basis, relying on existing program mechanisms such as the employment insurance program to deliver support.' This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. (Eventually the Liberals passed what they called the Canadian Sustainable Jobs Act in 2024, with many of these concerns still outstanding.) In terms of economic growth, Statistics Canada reported earlier this year that Canada's real GDP per capita, which measures economic output per person, adjusted for inflation, and is a widely accepted metric for measuring the standard of living, fell by 1.4% in 2024, following a decline of 1.3% in 2023. Over its near-decade in power, Canada's economic growth under the Liberals has been the lowest since the government of R.B. Bennett during the Great Depression. lgoldstein@ World Sunshine Girls Golf World Sunshine Girls
Winnipeg Free Press
5 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
The end of a raucous legislature session
Opinion On June 2 at the end of the spring session of the Manitoba legislature, the two main parties issued duelling press releases, each claiming they were listening and responding to the needs and concerns of Manitobans. The NDP government boasted it had delivered 'a strong, ambitious legislative agenda' of 39 bills that would improve health care, remove interprovincial trade barriers, make groceries more affordable, enhance public safety, and act on many other matters. The Progressive Conservative (PC) opposition countered with the claim that several of the more important bills were based on ideas stolen from them. This credit claiming by the parties has become an annual ritual. Over the past five decades, the proceedings of the legislature have increasingly come to resemble a permanent election campaign in which the parties spend more time seeking to score political points against their opponent than using questions of the premier and ministers and debating bills for the constructive purpose of improving public policy. The just-finished session featured too much shouting and name calling across the aisle and several unfortunate episodes of disorderly conduct. It was not, however, the most raucous session that has happened in the modern era of Manitoba politics, which I date from the breakthrough victory of the NDP in 1969. For observers of my generation, it is impossible to forget the French language crisis of 1983-1984 during which then-PC leader Sterling Lyon and his MLAs ferociously fought a NDP government bill entrenching language rights by using prolonged bell-ringing which paralyzed the legislature and brought angry, screaming crowds into building. I recognize that partisan competition provides the motivation and energy which drives the institution. The clash between opposing philosophies and policy perspectives helps to define what actions are in the public interest. Criticism from the opposition is the main way that the government is made to answer and to be held accountable through the media to the electorate. It would be impossible, and wrong, to seek to drive disagreement, emotion and passion entirely out of the proceedings of the legislature. The legislature actually has two modes of operation: most often it is adversarial between the parties, occasionally it demonstrates the capacity for cross-party collaboration. Because media coverage focuses mainly on the partisan clashes in Question Period, many members of the public sees the legislative process as only games-playing by the parties. In my view partisanship has become excessive, unduly negative and personal in content. There is throughout the legislative process too much rude heckling, personal attacks, bullying, inflammatory rhetoric, defensiveness and feigned indignation. Women MLAs are targeted disproportionately. Two episodes in the past session illustrate the problem. On April 22, PC MLA Greg Nesbitt questioned the NDP government about a contract for mental health therapy, suggesting, without providing any evidence, that it may have been for the personal benefit of NDP Finance Minister Adrien Sala. Either this was a cheap ' gotcha' question or Nesbitt had failed to do his homework to learn that the contract was actually for mental health support to landfill searchers. It strained credulity for the PC interim leader Wayne Ewasko to claim that his MLA was simply seeking information. In the shouting match which ensued, the Speaker, Tom Lindsay lost his cool and threatened to toss Nesbitt from the chamber, a threat he apologized for the next day. He also expressed frustration with the lack of decorum and the refusal of MLAs to immediately obey his calls for the heckling to cease. There is only so much the Speaker can do under the rules to maintain civility and to curtail belligerent language. The deeper problem is the culture of the institution which is shaped by many factors, most importantly by the words and actions of the party leaders. This brings me to the second episode which happened in the committee of supply on May 21 when the spending estimates of the executive council (which includes the premier's office) were under review. Proceedings of the meeting can be found on a YouTube stream. Both Premier Wab Kinew and Opposition Leader Obby Khan were in attendance and the meeting turned ugly almost immediately with the two MLAs showing intense dislike and disrespect for one another. A backbench NDP MLA serving as committee chair was hard pressed to maintain order. During Khan's opening statement on economic indicators, he was constantly heckled by Kinew, who at one point described the opposition leader as 'a joke.' Khan responded by bringing up Kinew's encounters with the law as a young adult and described him as a 'toxic, bullying leader' (echoing allegations from a former NDP MLA banished from that caucus). Kinew fought back by accusing Khan of being part of the ethics scandal involving violations of the caretaker convention during the final days of the former Heather Stefanson government. Fostering a more respectful and constructive culture starts with the leaders who must model more responsible behaviour and encourage their MLAs to restrain their outbursts and personal attacks when emotions rise in the chamber and in the committees. Paul G. Thomas is professor emeritus of Political Studies at the University of Manitoba.
