
First Nations infrastructure critical but not nation-building: minister
OTTAWA – The new federal Crown-Indigenous relations minister says building up First Nations infrastructure is 'critical' but doesn't qualify as nation-building as her government works to fast-track new projects.
The federal government is developing legislation to fast-track what it calls 'nation-building' projects with a streamlined regulatory approval process as a substitute for reviews under the Impact Assessment Act.
Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Rebecca Alty says that while closing the First Nations infrastructure gap is important, it's not considered nation-building and would be pursued outside the proposed legislation.
Assembly of First Nations National Chief Cindy Woodhouse Nepinak said last week First Nations infrastructure should be considered nation-building because addressing the shortage of all-season roads and internet connectivity in many communities would boost the economy.
She says it's 'terrible' that the minister doesn't consider those projects nation-building, adding she hasn't met with Alty since she was sworn in last month.
Woodhouse Nepinak pointed to a report by the Conference Board of Canada for the AFN that said closing the First Nations infrastructure gap could generate $630 billion in economic growth and create more than 330,000 jobs.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 2, 2025.
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Winnipeg Free Press
an hour ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Calls to action
A trio of books on reconciliation were all released within the span of a few weeks ahead of the summer publishing season. Who are they each for? Readers wanting to learn more about their role in the 94 calls to action in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), but who are unsure where to start, might find one or more of these titles a valuable resource, depending on their current base of knowledge and what they hope to get out of it. ● ● ● Kathryne Langsford photo Bruce McIvor Kathryne Langsford photo Bruce McIvor Bruce McIvor (Standoff: Why Reconciliation Fails Indigenous People and How to Fix It) is Red River Métis, an adjunct professor at UBC law school and a founder and senior partner at First Peoples Law. He wrote Indigenous Rights in One Minute which covers, concisely, over 100 different legal concepts, court decisions and pieces of legislation related to Indigenous rights. The central conceit, from which McIvor does not waver, is that each item — from the Doctrine of Discovery to Section 35 to the Haida Decision — is covered in about one minute of reading or less. Indigenous Rights in One Minute Indigenous Rights in One Minute The attorney and author briefly covers the history and current legal relevance of every legal footnote that contributes to the current judicial and legislative understanding of the rights of Indigenous people as well as Indigenous Peoples, each one in a page or two. With a detailed table of contents as well as a glossary, index and list of further reading, the book is certainly set up to act as a handy reference text for non-lawyers who nevertheless may be affected by, or otherwise desiring to be aware of, the relevant case law. It might also be a crucial resource for many working in or with advocacy organizations, or Indigenous and non-Indigenous governments. While it is very possible to jump around in the text, there is a throughline here. Reading the book from front to back builds in the reader a sense of the general shape of Indigenous rights in Canada, its current state, the historical forces that have shaped those rights and the directions it might move towards in the future. McIvor warns at the very beginning that he has a point of view and that he will share it. But even his editorial comments are brief and evidence-based. The one-minute constraint doesn't allow him to add many rhetorical flourishes, and blunt observations, such as that Aboriginal title is intentionally limited 'to ensure it doesn't become an insurmountable obstacle to removing Indigenous people from their lands so those lands can be exploited by non-Indigenous people,' are hard to deny on the facts. The courtroom battles Indigenous individuals and communities have been taking on against the Canadian government mirror the extensive legal work taken on by American Civil Rights activists since the 1960s. For a non-lawyer to make a proper survey of even a small field of law is not easy, and there's so much hard-to-find information packed in here, it's easy to imagine this slim layperson's reference volume will become a permanent resident of any shelves it lands upon. ● ● ● Supplied photo Rose LeMay Supplied photo Rose LeMay For first-time author Rose LeMay, the complete opposite approach made the most sense when writing Ally Is a Verb. LeMay is Tlingit, still operates in her First Nation's homeland in B.C. and has made a career as a speaker and corporate trainer specializing in practical steps allies can take in implementing the TRC's Calls to Action for reconciliation. Her book often reads like it could be spoken aloud in a meeting space — the writing is dynamic, conversational and passionate. If McIvor thought it necessary to note that he is not impartial on the topics he writes about, LeMay's point of view is so immediately clear that any such disclaimer would be unnecessary. In her second chapter, Unpacking the Great Canadian Lie, LeMay muses about whether a bloodier but briefer direct military conflict — such as occurred between Indigenous Peoples and the United States army, especially throughout the 19th century — might actually have been preferable in some ways to what actually occurred in this country. At least then, she reckons, the enemy would have been clearly identifiable. Instead, bearing the pretended benevolence of the Indian Act, LeMay writes that, 'Canada walked in smiling and held out its hand to shake, while the other hand was stealing our children and our land.' Ally is a Verb Ally is a Verb LeMay modelled her book on the change management approach she uses as a trainer: you explain the problem, present a solution and get people on board with being part of that solution. So she spends some of the first few chapters with a primer on the history of Indigenous Peoples' mistreatment at the hands of the Canadian government, from pre-Confederation to the Indian Act to residential schools, of which many in her own family were survivors. But before even this, LeMay spends some time in the opening chapter discussing the idea of reconciliation itself and how it can look, comparing Canada to three other countries that went through this process: Germany took a court-based approach post-Holocaust in the Nuremberg Trials, South Africa formed its own Truth and Reconciliation Commission after apartheid and Rwanda, after the 1994 genocide, landed somewhere in between. LeMay makes some thoughtful observations about the advantages and disadvantages of each approach, noting that our own government-created TRC had the effect of casting Canada itself as an observer and facilitator, neatly sidestepping the role of either perpetrator or defendant. These comparisons comprise some of the strongest insights of the book, and it's a good initial framing to set up subsequent chapters. The book also has some weak spots that probably stem from being adapted from oral content polished over the course of many live workshops and keynotes, and not undergoing all the changes appropriate to a written book-length format. Some chapters are veritably packed with a minutiae of stray observations that would make a real-time discussion more dynamic but make a written argument more muddled. At times quotes that aren't real quotes but rather air-quoted imitations of a hypothetical person or anthropomorphized institution (e.g., the Government of Canada) are written down using actual quotation marks. LeMay's book seems geared towards use in organizations for internal training. The chapters each end with a list of next steps and resources for further reading, making them well-suited as a ready-out-of-the-box corporate training program, wherein a facilitator or team leader might assign a chapter and set a meeting each week to discuss. Though one imagines most organizations would do better to hire LeMay to run the training herself, if they have the budget. ● ● ● Mike Deal / Free Press files David A. Robertson Mike Deal / Free Press files David A. Robertson David. A Robertson (the Misewa Saga; 7 Generations, a Plains Cree Saga) is the most experienced author of the group, having written numerous graphic novels as well as several works of fiction and non-fiction. He is a member of Norway House Cree Nation on his father's side but was raised mainly in Winnipeg, where he is still based. The idea of 52 Ways to Reconcile is to take one step towards reconciliation every week, with enough chapters to fill a full year, though that doesn't mean the book can't be read faster than that. Indeed, the engaging style makes it hard to stop after one short chapter. 52 Ways to Reconcile 52 Ways to Reconcile As with McIvor's book, 52 Ways could potentially be read out of order; after all, there's no reason that checking out an Indigenous restaurant (Week #33) can't come before engaging with Indigenous social media (Week #3). But there is a personal narrative threaded throughout 52 Ways, and to pick and choose chapters and not read the whole thing would be a shame. Robertson provides a mix of ways to advance reconciliation, some easier and others more involved. They may include putting either your time or money where your mouth is by supporting Indigenous communities or groups, learning an important lesson on land acknowledgements or unchecked idioms, or supporting and enjoying Indigenous creators in a variety of contexts, from film to music to podcasts to food to tourism to comics. Every chapter includes both a heartfelt case for why a given task is worth doing, another little bit of the author's personal journey in advancing reconciliation and a number of specific examples of where you can get started on any given week's suggestion. Robertson already consumes a lot of Indigenous media, supports a lot of Indigenous organizations and follows a lot of Indigenous sport teams, so he is not short on examples. Want a good podcast that will teach you about missing and murdered Indigenous women; a good Indigenous non-fiction, fiction or comic book writer; country band; jazz band; or electronica band? Robertson has at least one suggestion, but usually offers several. Of the three books covered here, Robertson's 52 Ways to Reconcile is probably the most universally accessible; indeed it should appeal to almost anyone. Of course that doesn't mean that any two, or even all three, of these books aren't worth picking up depending on what the reader wants to get out of each title, and how much reading time they have available. Joel Boyce is a Winnipeg writer and educator.


Canada Standard
2 hours ago
- Canada Standard
Liberals Table Bill to Speed Up Approvals for Major 'National Interest' Projects
Prime Minister Mark Carney's government introduced legislation Friday that would grant it new powers to quickly push forward major projects the federal cabinet deems to be in the national interest. Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc tabled a bill in the House of Commons that would give Ottawa the authority to draw up a list of large projects it wants to prioritize and to expedite their federal approval, The Canadian Press reports. Carney said it has become too hard to build new projects in Canada and vowed that this legislation will change that. "We're in an economic crisis," Carney told a news conference on Parliament Hill on Friday. "We're still facing intensifying, unjustified tariffs from our largest trading partner and the best way to respond to that is to respond at home, build strength at home." Bill C-5, the "free trade and labour mobility in Canada act and the building Canada act," is twinned legislation meant to break down internal trade barriers and cut red tape for major projects. The bill was a marquee election promise by Carney, who campaigned on a pledge to make the country an "energy superpower" and build up a more resilient economy in response to U.S. President Donald Trump's global trade war. The prime minister said he will do everything possible to get the legislation passed this summer and did not rule out having Parliament sit longer. The House is only scheduled to sit for another two weeks and the Liberals are governing with a precarious minority, forcing them to seek the support of MPs from other parties to advance their agenda. Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre described the new bill as a small step in the right direction. He also said it amounts to an admission by the Liberals that their laws have inhibited building and urged the government to take much bolder action. "We do not need baby steps. We need breakthroughs," he said. Poilievre said he wants the government to repeal the oil tanker ban on B.C.'s northern coast, terminate the oil and gas sector's emissions cap and scrap the Impact Assessment Act that sets out a process for environmental reviews. He said he will consult with his caucus about how to approach the bill in Parliament but added that Conservatives would "vote in favour of accelerating even one project." Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers CEO Lisa Baiton said she is "encouraged by the federal government's flexibility and efforts to work with the provinces to accelerate the approval process for major projects." But environmental groups warned the new process could upend efforts to fight climate change. Jessica Clogg, executive director of West Coast Environmental Law, said that past experience shows "rushed approvals without assessment of risks are a recipe for conflict, legal challenges and future environmental disasters." Keith Stewart of Greenpeace Canada said the government should not fast track new fossil-fuel projects, as Carney has suggested. "To even consider designating oil and gas expansion projects as in the national interest is a slap in the face to not just the next generation, but every Canadian struggling right now to deal with climate change-fueled wildfires," he said. The legislation would create a new federal office to take the lead on streamlining approvals for major projects and task the intergovernmental affairs minister with overseeing the final permitting decision. The government said the goal of the bill is to send a clear signal to businesses and quickly build up investor confidence. Carney said the current approval process forces projects to undergo multiple reviews and assessments one after another, rather than at the same time. "That process is arduous," he said. "It takes too long and it's holding our country back." "For too long, when federal agencies examined a project, their immediate question has been, 'Why?' With this new bill, we will ask ourselves, 'How?'" The bill sets out five criteria to evaluate whether a project is in the national interest. They include the project's likelihood of success, whether it would strengthen the country's resiliency and advance the interests of Indigenous peoples, and whether it would contribute to economic growth in an environmentally responsible way. The new federal review office will work toward a goal of approving projects within two years. That's a political promise rather than a hard-and-fast rule; the legislation does not mention timelines. While the bill would give the government broad power to skirt environmental laws to push projects forward, one expert said it remains to be seen how Ottawa will use it. "This is the kind of consolidation that you sometimes see in times of national emergency. We see it in wartime, we saw it in COVID to some extent. That consolidation can let you move more quickly, which can be a good thing, but it can also be a risky thing," said Stewart Elgie, the Jarislowsky chair in clean economy at the University of Ottawa. He warned that trying to "shortcut environmental interests" does not help expedite projects. "The Harper government never got a major pipeline built, and it's because they gave short shrift to environment and Indigenous concerns. It ended up with blockades and litigation that ultimately slowed down the projects," Elgie said. Carney said the legislation requires meaningful consultation with Indigenous Peoples consistent with the Constitution and the Crown's duty to consult. The federal review office will also include an Indigenous Advisory Council with First Nation, Inuit and Metis representation. The legislation comes with a sunset clause that forces a review of the law after five years. Carney met with the premiers earlier in the week in Saskatoon, where they privately discussed various projects the premiers want to see quickly launched - including pipelines, trade corridors and mining projects. The new legislation does not touch on any provincial approvals that might be needed to allow a project to go ahead. - With files from Sarah Ritchie and Nick Murray This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 6, 2025. Source: The Energy Mix


CBC
7 hours ago
- CBC
Cultural caribou hunts to return to the Yukon for the first time in more than 30 years
First Nations and government leaders signed the Southern Lakes Caribou Relationship Plan on Wednesday. A key commitment in that plan is to bring back cultural caribou hunts. That's something that hasn't happened in more than 30 years.