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Donald Trump is blaming the helicopter pilot for the fatal American Airlines crash. U.S Figure Skating team members, coaches, and former champions were among the passengers of the fatal flight. Plus, Katy Perry had a fiery close call.
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Hamilton Spectator
31 minutes ago
- Hamilton Spectator
World Cup host city organizers acknowledge immigration crackdown may impact next year's tournament
NEW YORK (AP) — Philadelphia's host city executive for the 2026 World Cup says organizers accept that an immigration crackdown by President Donald Trump's administration may be among the outside events that impact next year's tournament. 'There are certainly things that are happening at the national level, the international level, there are going to be geopolitical issues that we don't even know right now that are going affect the tournament next year, so we recognize that we're planning within uncertainty,' Meg Kane said Monday at a gathering of the 11 U.S. host city leaders, one year and two days ahead of the tournament opener. The World Cup will be played at 16 stadiums in the U.S., Mexico and Canada from June 11 to July 19 next year, a tournament expanded to 48 nations and 104 games. All matches from the quarterfinals on will be in the U.S., with the final at MetLife Stadium in East Rutherford, New Jersey. 'Whether it's the Olympics, whether it's a World Cup, whether it's a Super Bowl, you name it, anytime you've got a major international sporting event, geopolitics is going to have a role,' said Alex Vasry, CEO of the New York/New Jersey host committee. Kane said the host committees must adapt to decisions made by others. 'One of the things that I think we all recognize is that we have to be really good at operating within that uncertainty,' Kane said. 'I think for each of our cities, we want to be prepared to make any person that is coming and makes the decision to come to the United States or come to this World Cup feel that they are welcome. We do not play a role necessarily in what is happening in terms of the decisions that are made.' Trump's travel ban on citizens from 12 countries exempted athletes, coaches, staff and relatives while not mentioning fans. 'We allow for FIFA to continue having constructive conversations with the administrations around visas, around workforce, around tourism,' Kane said. FIFA is running the World Cup for the first time without a local organizing committee in the host nation. Asked in late April whether FIFA president Gianni Infantino was available to discuss the tournament, FIFA director of media relations Bryan Swanson forwarded the request to a member of the media relations staff, who did not make Infantino available. Legislation approved by the House of Representatives and awaiting action in the Senate would appropriate $625 million to the Federal Emergency Management Agency 'for security, planning, and other costs related to the 2026 FIFA World Cup.' The 11 U.S. host committees have been consulting with each other on issues such as transportation for teams and VIPs, and for arranging fan fests. At the last major soccer tournament in the U.S., the 2024 Copa America final at Hard Rock Stadium in Miami Gardens, Florida, started 82 minutes late after fans breached security gates. 'Certainly we were not involved in the planning or the logistics for that particular match,' said Alina Hudak, CEO of the Miami World Cup host committee. She said local police 'have done an extensive review of the after-action reports related to that in collaboration with the stadium and so all of the things that happened are in fact being reviewed and addressed and I can assure you that everything is being done within our power to make sure that the appropriate measures are being placed, the appropriate perimeters.' ___ AP soccer:
Yahoo
32 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Mass deportations are an unnatural fit for a country purporting to be free
Across the country, immigration enforcement raids have sparked growing protests. Militarized federal agents, often in a confusingly ramshackle assortment of gear and uniforms, have been met by angry crowds shouting them down with chants of 'shame!' Over the weekend in Los Angeles, the federal government for the first time since 1965 deployed the National Guard over the objection of a state's governor. President Donald Trump "is sending 2,000 National Guard troops into LA County — not to meet an unmet need, but to manufacture a crisis,' Gov. Gavin Newsom said on X on Sunday. 'He's hoping for chaos so he can justify more crackdowns, more fear, more control.' The division and disorder on display are the culmination of an absurd premise which has long gone unchallenged: the whole concept of immigration restriction. This policy of segregation by place of birth presents a choice between three basic options. You can muddle along with de facto nonenforcement, putting swaths of the population and economy into a legal gray area and creating underground black markets. You can take the Trumpian tact of aggressive enforcement against millions of people, at the cost of civil liberties and social peace. Or you can confront the elephant in the room: the reality that these laws are unjust, unnecessary and an affront to the freedom of not just immigrants, but also citizens and our democratic republic. Mass removal is a profoundly unnatural fit for a country purporting to be free. Mass deportation and large-scale immigration enforcement require nothing less than a police state, and the more of a crackdown you demand, the more obviously it will look and act like a police state. When the government sends paramilitary-style law enforcement units into people's neighborhoods, this is no longer some abstract argument about 'the border.' It's Boyle Heights. It's Queens. It's Milwaukee. It's San Ysidro. It's armored vehicles and flash-bangs outside your grocery store. The administration's frequent line — including from Trump himself — is that only United States citizens possess legal and constitutional rights, such as due process. This is wrong as a matter of law and at best dubious as a matter of morality. Making the mere entry and presence of people illegal, turning millions who've committed no other offense into marginalized outlaws, undermines the foundations of a free society. But suppose, for argument's sake, you care only about the freedoms of native-born Americans. Any attempt to seriously enforce restrictionist immigration laws impinges on your liberties. The enforcement of such a sweeping prohibition, the division of society it entails, can only be accomplished with a massive enforcement machine to match. And citizens can be, and frequently are, caught up in that machine's grinding gears. Those horrified by the more physical means of enforcement may imagine that other, less direct methods can be sufficient to 'secure the border.' But policymakers have attempted for decades to impose administrative barriers to accomplish the exclusionary goal with fewer actual arrests. All 50 states now issue REAL ID-compliant identity cards, which are checked constantly in daily life. E-Verify, tenant screenings, banking rules and benefit restrictions are all burdens created to make undocumented life less desirable in hopes that people will simply leave of their own accord. Yet, millions remain, because even such burdens pale in comparison to tin-pot dictatorships, civil war or simply grinding poverty. When the paperwork fails, the boots arrive. To make mass deportation a reality, the government inevitably must send militarized agents into peaceful neighborhoods to sweep up cashiers, day laborers and housekeepers. It must unleash tear gas and violence in the streets when communities push back against raids on apartment buildings and local restaurants. It must intrude on personal relationships and violate privacy, freedom of association and economic liberty. It must tear away parents, traumatize innocent kids and shred trust in the law. To keep the assembly line of deportations moving, the government needs to trample due process with the truncated procedures offered by executive branch immigration courts, created to sidestep the independence of regular federal courts. It diverts law enforcement agencies from chasing real criminals. And it wastes tax money and sabotages the economy — all to no real benefit nothing except morally repellent abstractions about bloodlines and race. These destructive social dynamics always show up in the context of enforcing victimless offenses. Aside from marijuana use (another absurdly unenforceable federal prohibition), undocumented presence is probably America's most common victimless offense — unlike violent crimes or property crimes, which immigrants commit at a lower rate than native-born Americans, and which can and should be prosecuted in their own right. Claims about drains on resources ignore their real economic contributions to the tax base and exclusion from benefits. Social Security, for example, is actually subsidized by immigrants, including undocumented immigrants who still pay taxes. There is one truth on the other side of the equation: it is indeed corrosive to have laws on the books which go unenforced and widely flouted. That has been the reality of our immigration regime for far too long. But we now see that the solution isn't to tear apart our society while trying to enforce bad laws. Instead, we should repeal them. Every time we ban peaceful, voluntary conduct — crossing a border, renting a home, taking a job — we expand government power and shrink liberty. The trade-off is unavoidable. Across history, one of the main arcs of moral progress has been the advancement of legal equality regardless of arbitrary, immutable characteristics. Nothing is more arbitrary or immutable than your place of birth or whom you were born to. Our civic creed insists all are created equal. Anything else shackles us all to illiberal impositions and societal dysfunction. Push hard enough on mass deportation and Americans will meet ICE with human chains to protect their neighbors. Tear apart people's lives and communities, and they will start to fight back. Try to commandeer regular police, and states and localities will refuse. Produce endless horror stories and scenes of dystopian authoritarianism, and you can't keep pretending this is merely about building a wall through the desert. This has never been about just controlling the border, it's about controlling America, and at the end of the day Americans are not a people who like to be controlled. The reconstruction of a post-Trump America will require a radical liberalization of immigration laws. Our aspirations to be a free country and our reality of being a nation of immigrants are, and always will be, inseparable. This article was originally published on
Yahoo
32 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Trump to California: Surrender
President Donald Trump walks on the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, DC, on Monday, June 9, 2025. Credit - Yuri Gripas—Abaca/Bloomberg via Getty Images This article is part of The D.C. Brief, TIME's politics newsletter. Sign up here to get stories like this sent to your inbox. President Donald Trump seems on the cusp of getting everything he appears to love out of the crisis in Los Angeles. An opportunity to stoke political divisions and suppress dissent. A showdown with a deep-blue state's Governor with White House ambitions. A chance to nurse grievances dear to his base and largely ungrounded in reality. And an opposition party left unsure of how to navigate a minefield of Trump's making. Taken together, the blend of circumstances seems trending in Trump's gleeful direction. The President on Monday told reporters on the White House' South Lawn that he would be fine arresting California Gov. Gavin Newsom, called protesters against his mass immigration raids 'insurrectionists,' and blamed the unrest on professional agitators. He said the United States cannot accept any disrespect for law enforcement. And he seemed on the edge of invoking a 19th Century law that could be used to quash civic protest and sidestep basic constitutional rights. 'Order will be restored, illegals will be expelled, and Los Angeles will be set free,' Trump posted on social media. Newsom and California Attorney General Rob Bonta responded with a suit against Trump for overstepping his power in sending 2,000 troops into Los Angeles to quell protests against federal immigration raids. The escalating situation seems destined to set up a clash that has no apparent off-ramp, winners, or remedies. It's quite the split screen for a President who, just four years ago, unleashed a violent mob on the U.S. Capitol after he lost his re-election bid in 2020. Whereas Trump gave a blanket pardon for those accused of the Jan. 6 insurrection against Congress that left 138 police injured, he is now professing fealty to the uniform. While insisting he is steadying security for borders, Trump is at the same time launching the West Coast's population center into a freefall of uncertainty. And even as he casts the liberal elite as out-of-touch with so-called American values, he is threatening a core of U.S. character: immigration. 'They spit, we hit,' Trump said, suggesting protests against his raids were insulting police and necessitating a violent response. It has more than a few echoes to his impertinent reaction to the Black Lives Matter activism that marked the final year of his first term. These days, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers have been wading more aggressively into workplaces and courthouses as part of Trump's promised crackdown on those in the country without proper papers. Officers are operating in overdrive as they try to hit White House-prescribed quotas for deportations. In response, protests have broken out as activists see the efforts as capricious and mean-spirited. L.A. police have said the protests there were mostly peaceful, although things in the nation's second-largest city did escalate over the weekend, with some of that spurred by the guardsmens' arrival. While arrests reached double digits, the situation was nowhere near the crisis White House aides tried to suggest. Rather than letting this play out, the White House has exacerbated tensions and the city has responded by declaring downtown an illegal demonstration. While making clear he's prepared to fight back, Newsom has tried to de-escalate the situation: 'Don't take the bait,' he told Californians. 'Never use violence or harm law enforcement.' Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass likened it to 'intentional chaos.' Democratic lawmakers in Congress are similarly casting this as a mess of Trump's making, not one rooted in reality. But here's the thing: once the kindling is lit, it may be impossible to stop it—especially if the country's top leader is keen to watch it spread. 'We're going to have troops everywhere,' Trump said Sunday. And Trump's top White House aides suggested the snowballing situation was exactly what they had in mind. 'This is a fight to save civilization,' posted White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, an architect of Trump's hardline anti-immigrant policies. This is a moment of political testing unseen since 1965, when President Lyndon B. Johnson deployed the National Guard without a Governor's request to protect civil rights demonstrators. No White House since then has dared to go around a state chief to activate domestic troops, and the seeming trigger for a careening upswing is an 1807 law that allows the military to be used to quash a domestic uprising. At the same time, the Pentagon has put Marines stationed at Camp Pendleton on high alert and ready to mobilize if things escalate. The fast-moving clash between a Republican President and the nation's largest Democratic-led state has left insiders on both sides of the aisle craning for answers. Los Angeles, a city rooted as much in Hollywood as its rich immigrant communities, is not one to be idle as Washington takes a heavy hand. And Washington, a company town driven by ego more than anything, is flexing its muscle over its West Coast power rival. The fight seems to be on the upswing, not a descent. Trump is spoiling for the battle and Newsom is laying the groundwork for a 2028 presidential bid. Put all of this together and it's a big ol' mess primed to spiral in ways that are hard to predict, but destined to define this part of Trump's legacy. Make sense of what matters in Washington. Sign up for the D.C. Brief newsletter. Write to Philip Elliott at