BBC Question Time viewers fume over 'ridiculous' last-minute change to show
BBC Question Time was briefly pulled from airwaves this evening as the public fallout between Donald Trump and Elon Musk rages on
This evening's BBC Question Time was briefly interrupted for 'breaking news' as the public spat between Donald Trump and Elon Musk intensifies.
Appearing on the panel this Thursday, 5 June are Alex Davies-Jones MP, Darren Millar MS, Llinos Medi MP, Annabel Denham, and Mark Serwotka with host Fiona Bruce.
They tackled topics such as the new 20mph speed limits in Wales and the surge in illegal boat crossings during tonight's programme.
However, their debate was abruptly paused for "breaking news" as US President Donald Trump issued a scathing threat to Elon Musk.
In the latest report, Trump threatened to terminate Musk's government contracts, which sparked outrage among Question Time viewers. In the "breaking news update" US President Donald Trump expressed his "very disappointed" stance towards the SpaceX founder.
Trump elaborated:
"I don't mind Elon turning against me, but he should've done so months ago. This is one of the Greatest Bills ever presented to Congress. It's a Record Cut in Expenses, $1.6 Trillion Dollars, and the Biggest Tax Cut ever given. If this Bill doesn't pass, there will be a 68% Tax Increase, and things far worse than that. I didn't create this mess, I'm just here to FIX IT. This puts our Country on a Path of Greatness. MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!", reports the Mirror.
The US President expressed his frustration, saying:
"I'm very disappointed because Elon knew the inner workings of this Bill better than anybody sitting here, better than you people. He knew everything about it, he had no problem about it and all of a sudden, he has a problem, and he only developed the problem when he found out we're going to cut the EVs because that's billions and billions of dollars. I'm very disappointed in Elon, I've helped Elon a lot."
Elon Musk promptly took to social media platform X to vent:
"Without me, Trump would have lost the election. Dems would control the House, and the Republicans would be 51-49 in the Senate," followed by an accusation toward the President for showing "such ingratitude".
Disgruntled Question Time viewers who were attempting to watch the show on iPlayer shared their annoyance. One viewer complained on social media:
"You disappeared from the @BBCNews channel and from the iPlayer at 9:15pm! Instead we now have some random commentators chatting about the spat between Trump and Musk. Bring back #BBCQT!".
Another viewer voiced similar frustrations: "#bbcqt why on earth has bbc news cut away from question time on iplayer and bbc news to tell us about a spat between Trump and Musk absolutely ridiculous."
The host of Question Time, Fiona Bruce, announced that next week's episode will take place in Fleetwood, Lancashire.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Daily Mail
31 minutes ago
- Daily Mail
How stunned Joe Rogan reacted to Trump and Musk war in real time during Kash Patel interview
It was supposed to be just another no-holds-barred conversation on The Joe Rogan Experience, but what unfolded in real time stunned even Joe Rogan himself. Midway through the recording of Rogan's high-profile interview with FBI Director Kash Patel on Thursday afternoon, chaos was erupting on social media. Donald Trump and Elon Musk, once the closest of political allies and collaborators, were detonating their relationship in a flurry of public insults, threats, and finally, an explosive accusation that would leave political world gasping. 'Jesus Christ,' Rogan muttered, his eyes widening as he read aloud Musk's now-infamous post: 'Time to drop the really big bomb. Donald Trump is in the Epstein files. That's the real reason they have not been made public. Have a nice day, DJT!' The podcast had already been knee-deep in a discussion of child sex offender Jeffrey Epstein 's shadowy network, when Rogan's producer put up Musk's incendiary post on the screen. It was an accusation aimed squarely at Trump, dragging him into the murky world of Epstein's infamous island and the so-called 'Epstein files' - flight logs and documents long rumored to implicate the powerful and well-connected. 'I'm not participating in any of that conversation between Elon and Trump,' Patel said immediately, distancing himself from the explosive spat. But Rogan couldn't look away. 'Someone should take his phone away,' Rogan muttered, incredulous. 'Jesus Christ that's a crazy thing to say. How does he know? Does he have access to the Epstein files?' Patel remained calm but firmly replied: 'I don't know how he would. But I'm staying out of it. That's way outside my lane.' Still in disbelief Rogan added: 'What the f*** are they doing?' The Musk-Trump row had been simmering for days, but few expected it to erupt so spectacularly. 'I understand he owns Twitter, but I think it's bad for your mental health,' Rogan said moments later. 'Posting all day and arguing with people all day - that can't be good for you.' 'I know my lane and that ain't it,' Patel said again, staying as far from the blast zone as possible. Hours earlier, at a White House meeting, Trump had lashed out at Musk's blistering critique of his prized 'Big Beautiful Bill,' calling the Tesla founder 'very disappointing.' From there, the tit-for-tat escalated with breathtaking speed. Musk upped the ante by threatening to back a third-party challenger, a nightmare scenario for Republican strategists. Trump, never one to back down, retaliated by publicly musing about cancelling Musk's multi-billion-dollar government contracts with NASA and the Department of Defense. By Friday, as word of the Musk-Trump implosion spread, Washington seemed to be in full crisis mode. Senior Republicans scrambled to contain the damage, fearful that the spectacle could derail crucial legislation, including Trump's controversial tax and border spending bill, which Musk had labeled an 'abomination.' 'I hope it doesn't distract us from getting the job done,' Rep. Dan Newhouse (R-Washington) told reporters nervously. Others practically begged for a reconciliation. 'When the two of them are working together, we get a lot more done,' Senator Ted Cruz (R-Texas) said on Fox News. Senator Mike Lee (R-Utah) posted a photo collage of Trump and Musk, pleading: 'Who else really wants @elonmusk and @realDonaldTrump to reconcile?' But Trump, in true Trump fashion, showed no interest in extending an olive branch. 'You mean the man who has lost his mind?' he scoffed when asked about Musk during a phone interview with ABC News. 'I'm not particularly interested in talking to him.' Later, aboard Air Force One en route to his Bedminster golf club, Trump struck a more detached tone. 'Honestly, I've been so busy working on China, Russia, Iran... I'm not thinking about Elon Musk. I just wish him well,' he told reporters, even as aides privately fumed that Musk's accusations could inflict serious damage. Still, the president couldn't resist one last jab: 'He's lost it.' The political earthquake was soon matched by a financial one. Tesla's stock plummeted more than 14% on Thursday amid the very public feud, wiping out nearly $100 billion in market value before recovering slightly by Friday. At the White House, aides whispered that Trump was considering getting rid of the bright red Tesla Model S he famously purchased earlier this year, a symbol of the bromance that once was. Musk is seen jumping on stage as he joined Donald Trump during a campaign rally last October 'He's thinking about it, yes,' a senior White House official confirmed. Meanwhile, Musk remained unusually quiet on Friday, steering clear of his usual rapid-fire posting on X, the platform he owns and has aggressively reshaped. For Trump, Musk's financial and political support had been crucial. The billionaire donated nearly $300 million to Trump's 2024 campaign. But Musk, too, has much to lose.
The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
The Trump and Musk spat is turning them both into billion-dollar losers in every way
The boys are going at it. Like two heavies in the playground, the once richest man on Earth and one who thinks he is the most powerful are locked in a scrap. It's a bloke thing. Not long ago, the former bros used to spark off each other, rib each other while jointly belittling everyone else. Now the jocks, Elon Musk and Donald Trump, are grappling and so closely entwined were they and the organisations they lead, there can be no winner. It's possible that peace may prevail, but for how long? They've repeatedly raised the ante, which in male lore means backing down and letting bygones be bygones will be difficult. The fallout will hit them both. Trump says that Musk and his companies receive 'billions and billions of dollars' in government subsidies and contracts. He could cut them. 'I was always surprised that Biden didn't do it,' Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. One estimate puts the total that Musk's two main businesses, SpaceX and Tesla, receive in public benefits at $38bn (£28bn). SpaceX president and chief operating officer, Gwynne Shotwell, has said its tally alone is $22bn. The exact combined figure may never be known because many of the deals between Musk's firms and Washington are classified. For his part, Musk is the heaviest donor to the Republicans, giving $200m to the GOP. There was more. Musk said he would support Maga candidates in local primaries, to the tune of $10m a pop, against sitting Republicans, should they dare to oppose Trump. Meanwhile, Musk's space rockets fly Nasa astronauts to the orbiting shuttle – without that service, the Americans would have to do the diplomatically unthinkable and seek the wholesale assistance of Russia and its Soyuz vehicles. It's likely the love-in was always destined to fail. Trump demands complete adulation, any dissenters are quickly shown the door. Musk, for all his admiration of the president, disagreed with him profoundly on a number of key issues. In order for his companies to stay ahead and to keep reinventing and innovating, Musk must attract the best brains. Whatever Trump alleges, they do not all exist in America, Musk needs to draw talent from overseas. That ran up against Trump's anti-immigration policy. Musk is a renewable energy evangelist, he made his name with the high-performance Tesla electric car. Trump is anything but, clinging to the belief that fossil fuels still rule and have a future. Likewise, Musk's products rely on imported parts and materials. Trump has kiboshed global supply lines and delivered large-scale uncertainty with his adherence to new tariffs. Musk's position on these was well known. He said so, and Trump tolerated him. After all, he was doing the White House 's bidding on Doge, slashing perceived governmental waste. Trump was happy for him to take the rap, to be the fall guy or poster boy, depending on how it was viewed. Musk's Maga popularity may have soared, but among his investors and consumers, it plummeted. Both men are characterised by a stubborn refusal to climb down and a belief in their own might. Musk pressed on, regardless. They also speak their minds, as they find, again, convinced of their own brilliance. There was so much that Trump was prepared to forgive, but it was when Musk openly criticised Trump's central tax bill that the gloves finally came off. It is a priority of Trump's second term, and the measure requires congressional Republican backing to get through. By hailing it a 'disgusting abomination', Musk was sowing doubt among possible GOP waverers, and that simply would not do. The new distance between them was noticed, and the rot set in. Musk was exiting the building. The president exhibited his usual pettiness, so what sent Musk ballistic was when an ally had his nomination to run Nasa withdrawn. That pal, Jared Isaacman, came out and said he was a victim of revenge – his nomination was revoked on the very day that the 'first buddy' was saying his White House goodbyes. Far from damping down the speculation as to why his appointment was suddenly off, Isaacman raised it. 'I mean, people can draw their own conclusions, but I think the directions people are going in seems to check out to me,' he said. Isaacman was not any other candidate – the billionaire had been a close collaborator with Musk ever since he led the first chartered passenger flight on SpaceX in 2021. Musk, understandably, was riled. Now it was personal. Since then, we've been treated to the spectacle of gladiatorial combat, albeit resorting to childish insults as weapons. But each man has plenty to lose. Trump is a brooder; he does not forget easily, and Musk may have overstepped a mark by alerting the world's media and social media to something that might or might not be contained in confidential files regarding Epstein and Trump. That may just prove unforgivable. Certainly, in the absence of an explanation, the accusation could return to haunt Trump. There may be one. It could be trivial and of little consequence. Musk may merely have been having fun, being provocative, and he hasn't presented anything to substantiate the allegation. But until we know, we cannot be sure, and the gossip will continue. Meanwhile, Trump's longtime ally Steve Bannon suggested that the president 'should sign an executive order calling for the Defense Production Act and seize SpaceX'. And the President himself was said to be planning on dispensing with all traces of Elon Musk, including the Tesla he bought at full price in March. It's perverse that they should be reduced to this. But two large, bristling personalities, possessors of machismo in abundance, were probably always going to find sharing the same small classroom an enormous challenge. Despite deploying all the cynical disregarding and showboating they could muster, it was insurmountable and could come at an enormous cost.
Telegraph
an hour ago
- Telegraph
How Europe could go ‘Mega' by 2027
Poland's new president is a Trump-inspired nationalist. The government in the Netherlands has just been felled by an anti-migrant firebrand. Right-wing parties are already in government in Hungary and Italy, and in Berlin, the far-Right Alternative for Germany (AfD) is the main opposition after it was endorsed by JD Vance and Elon Musk in the February elections. As Europe begins a cycle of crucial elections over the next two and a half years, the radical insurgent Right has the momentum. By 2027, there could be eight nationalist prime ministers in the 27-member-strong European Union, which has already swung to the Right. Meanwhile, Donald Trump's White House is determined to 'Make Europe Great Again'. Allies in the right places could prove very useful to Mr Trump, who accuses the EU of trying to 'screw' the US on trade and through the regulation of American technology firms. If 2027 is the year Europe does indeed go 'Mega', there will be serious ramifications for EU policies on migration, Ukraine and net zero, as well as a push to assert national leadership over Brussels. Experts believe this week's win in Poland and ructions in the Netherlands will bolster the 'Mega' wing in Europe with proof of concept. 'I don't believe in domino effects, but I do believe in a demonstration effect,' said Pawel Zerka, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations think tank. In other words, people in other countries are aware of and influenced by politics elsewhere. 'The biggest demonstration effect is coming not from other European countries, but from the US,' he said. 'The election of Donald Trump gives a legitimacy boost and a confidence boost to plenty of the far-Right parties across Europe and their electorates.' Many of the parties had 'ever tighter links to the Maga movement' and 'practical support' to get better results, he said. The Netherlands Geert Wilders led his Party for Freedom (PVV) to the hard-Right's first-ever general election win in November 2023. But the 'Dutch Trump' was forced to sacrifice his dream of being prime minister in coalition talks after his shock victory on a platform of 'zero asylum'. This time, he would become prime minister, he told reporters in The Hague, as he vowed to once again defeat the establishment conservative and Left-wing parties in October. The shock-headed populist may struggle to repeat the trick, or to find willing coalition partners, after toppling the government for not backing his hardline migration plans. Current polls have him with a narrow lead of one percentage point over the Left-wing GroenLinks-PvdA. But Mr Wilders was enjoying highs of 50 per cent before forming a coalition government that struggled to implement its strictest ever asylum policy. He is banking on those numbers recovering, and White House officials have already made clear he has Mr Trump's backing. With enough vote share, he could form a new conservative coalition with the pro-business VVD, provided it also posts strong results. Tellingly, its leader has not yet ruled out a second alliance with Mr Wilders. Poland Mr Trump hosted Karol Nawrocki at the White House before the Law and Justice-backed former historian won a knife-edge victory on June 1. The role of president is largely ceremonial in Poland, but it comes armed with the power of veto over new legislation. Law and Justice (PiS) won the popular vote (35.4 per cent), but fell short of a majority at the last general election in Poland. Donald Tusk, who won 30.7 per cent of the vote, cobbled together a large and unwieldy centrist coalition to take power. Since then, prime minister Tusk has sought to steer Poland back to the European mainstream. His reforms, including the liberalisation of some of Europe's strictest abortion laws, are set to be frustrated by Mr Nawrocki's vetoes. Mr Tusk has called for a vote of confidence on June 11 to shore up his restive coalition, which is trailing PiS in the polls. Even if that passes, it looks very unlikely his government will survive to the end of its term in 2027, and while it is unclear who the PiS's candidate could be in the next general election, a hard-Right prime minister is not unlikely. Czech Republic Businessman turned politician Andrej Babis is leading in the surveys – consistently polling about 30 per cent – ahead of October's general election in the Czech Republic. The last election saw him lose to a Conservative-Liberal coalition by just a handful of votes. Babis's party, ANO, obtained 27.13 per cent of the vote, while Spolu, which leads the coalition of the current government, won 27.79 per cent of the vote. If he scrapes together a few more votes, the populist will become prime minister for the second time. During his first spell in office, he donned a Trump-style red baseball cap. A Babis victory would mean that he, and potentially Mr Wilders, would join the highly influential European Council, which meets regularly in Brussels to give the EU institutions political direction. At present, the hard-Right have Italy's Giorgia Meloni and Hungary's Viktor Orban in the room, but their numbers could double by the end of the year to include Mr Babis and Mr Wilders. Hungary (2026) Mr Orban nailed his colours to Mr Trump's mast a long time ago and is a darling of American conservatives. The EU's longest-serving prime minister is looking to win a fifth consecutive term in office in elections in 2026. In 2022, his party obtained 54.13 per cent of the vote – the highest vote share obtained by any party in Hungary since the fall of Communism in 1989. His policies, such as laws insisting Hungary only legally recognises two genders, have drawn praise and emulation from Maga supporters. But he has angered Western EU member states by opposing sanctions on the Kremlin and banning gay pride marches. Mr Orban is currently the most vocal nationalist leader in calling for pan-European alliances of hard-Right parties to radically reform the EU. His party is in a European Parliament alliance with the parties led by Mr Wilders, Marine Le Pen, Ms Meloni's coalition partner Matteo Salvini, and Spain's Vox. Sweden (2026) Prime minister Ulf Kristersson's coalition is propped up by the hard-Right Sweden Democrats, which remains formally outside of government despite coming second in a 2022 election dominated by fears over immigration and crime. The far-Right nearly doubled their vote share between 2014 and 2022, from 12.86 per cent to 20.54 per cent, which is largely down to the Sweden Democrats. The Sweden Democrats have exerted considerable influence over the government and its agenda. The question is whether voters will give Jimmie Akesson enough of a mandate to finally bust the taboo that has so far kept a party partially founded by Nazi sympathisers from being formally in government. Italy (2027) Giorgia Meloni has emerged as a genuine stateswoman since she took power in 2022, and experts believe her example of government has made the hard-Right in Europe more credible. She has kept her Right-wing coalition together, which is no easy task in Italy. She positioned herself as a mediator between the EU and Mr Trump while successfully spearheading a drive to get Brussels' tacit backing for offshore migrant detention camps. Thanks to her, the Italian hard-Right's vote share has risen from just 1.97 per cent in 2013 to 27.2 per cent in 2022, and she will be optimistic of another victory in 2027's general election. She has much in common politically with Mr Orban, but they are divided over Ukraine, which has split the European hard-Right. She shares a European political party with Poland's Law and Justice, which is hawkish on Russia and will be contesting the general election in 2027 if Mr Tusk's vote of confidence passes next week. Spain (2027) Spain's conservatives won the popular vote – 33.1 per cent – in the last general election, but fell short of a majority. Their potential coalition allies, Vox, the far-Right and Trump allied nationalists, underperformed, obtaining just 12.4 per cent of the vote. That opened the door for socialist prime minister Pedro Sanchez to assemble an extremely broad coalition of the centre-Left, communists and Catalan and Basque separatists. Polarised Spain's culture wars have only got worse in the years since the 2023 election and the start of the divisive Mr Sanchez's second term. The pardoning of Catalan separatists and political discussions with former terrorists, as well as corruption allegations about his wife and allies, could cost him in 2027. France (2027) Emmanuel Macron called snap parliamentary elections, effectively daring the French to hand over power to the hard-Right, after Marine Le Pen's National Rally defeated him in the European Parliament elections last summer. National Rally did not get a majority, after a group of different parties united to keep out the hard-Right. But Mr Macron's party lost its majority in the National Assembly and has been a lame duck domestically ever since. Head of the largest single party in France, Ms Le Pen is well positioned for presidential elections in 2027, in which Mr Macron cannot stand. But Ms Le Pen was banned from running for the presidency in March after being found guilty of embezzlement. It drew immediate comparisons to the 'lawfare' waged on Mr Trump, who offered his support. She is appealing, but her protege Jordan Bardella will run in her stead if necessary. Polls are showing that either could win against Gabriel Attal, a contender to succeed Mr Macron as candidate – if they were to run. Ms Le Pen would beat him 53 per cent to 47 per cent, Bardella by 52 per cent to 48 per cent. The question is whether the 'front republican' will once again emerge in the second round of the presidential elections to keep the National Rally from power. Or, as it did this week in Poland, fall just short. The election of a Eurosceptic leader to the presidency of France, the EU's most influential member state alongside Germany, would be a political earthquake that would shake Brussels to its core. Why now? Andre Krouwel, who teaches political science at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, said the populist parties in Europe were comparing notes as they plotted their routes to power. He said: 'They use the success and failure of other parties to learn from and use in campaigns. You see a lot of copying of strategies, such as victim playing or attacking so-called elites.' In general, traditional parties had an advantage in their experience and ability to govern, he added. Mr Wilders' decision to pull the plug on his coalition was an example that proved populists were 'good at saying things, not doing them.' The parties were also 'super-unstable' and given to infighting. For Prof Krouwel, the rise of the populist Right across Europe has its roots in economic anxiety as well as fears over immigration. 'There was always an expectation that your children will do better than you. You can't say that now,' he said, adding that Dutch children were staying home far longer because they can't afford to move out. 'We are all becoming southern Europe and that is an explanation for the populist surge,' he said. Maria Skora, visiting researcher at the European Policy Centre think tank in Brussels, said there were certain broad trends common to many EU countries where the hard Right was on the rise. There have been 15 years of difficulties, including the eurozone and migrant crises. The pandemic was followed by the war in Ukraine and the resulting cost of living crisis. That all contributed to the sense that traditional parties were not delivering. Meanwhile, parties like the AfD were extremely effective at using social media and digital campaigning. 'It's a digital revolution, as big a revolution as you know, radio back in the day,' Ms Skora said. 'I think this feeds into this tribalism and polarisation, which we see in more countries.'
