Va. community colleges end diversity, equity and inclusion practices
J. Sargent Reynolds Community College in Henrico. (Photo courtesy WWBT)
Virginia's 23 community colleges will be required to ensure all of their programs and practices comply with federal regulations to ensure everyone is treated fairly and equally, ending policies that promote diversity, equity and inclusion.
The decision by the Virginia Community College System's State Board is in response to President Donald Trump's executive order to eliminate DEI initiatives, which are designed to overcome historic inequities and discrimination that blocked progress for minorities and women. The VCCS directive applies to several areas including admissions, hiring, promotion, compensation, financial aid, scholarships, prizes, administrative support, discipline, housing, and graduation ceremonies, according to the March 20 resolution.
The Trump Administration has also warned colleges and universities to end race-based decision-making or risk losing federal funding, which many institutions rely on to cover Pell Grants and the federal student loan program.
Feds to Virginia schools: End race-based policies or risk losing funds
The VCCS' resolution also directs Virginia community colleges to avoid attempts to get around the new rules and to end reliance on third-party organizations that assist in implementing race-conscious policies.
'Adopting a resolution to affirm our values and compliance with recent guidance on discrimination and merit-based opportunity and amending language in our policies and strategic plan are critical necessary actions to ensure federal funding for Virginia's Community Colleges is not compromised,' said VCCS State Board Chair Terri Thompson, who was reappointed by former Gov. Ralph Northam. 'It is our continued ability to provide students with high-quality educational and training opportunities that is at the heart of our mission.'
The board's decision also led to several changes to the system's strategic plan, which outlines the VCCS' goals and objectives, including removing the goal of increasing the diversity of full-time faculty and staff by 5% by 2030.
The decision also changed some areas of the policy manual, including renaming its advisory council on 'diversity, equity, inclusion and culture' to 'culture of care and success.'
David Doré, VCCS chancellor, said the changes made don't impact the system's mission, which is to help people learn new things and glean better skills to enhance their lives and help their communities get stronger.
Del. Michael Jones, D-Richmond, told WRIC last week that the board needs to reverse the decision, adding that VCCS' diversity policies help ensure minorities, who he says have been subject to systemic racism, have the same opportunities as their white counterparts.
'It bothers me when people come up to me (and say), 'I don't see race,'' Jones said to the television news station. 'You need to see race because when you see race you will understand and see the obstacles that I had to face, the challenges I had to overcome, just simply being born the color that I am into the system or the country that I was born in.'
State Republicans applauded the board's decision, including Del. Mike Cherry, R-Colonial Heights, and Del. Tom Garrett, R-Buckingham, both members of the House Education Committee.
During the past two sessions, Garrett introduced proposals to amend the Virginia Human Rights Act to prohibit discrimination based on race and sex.
After the proposal failed to pass in 2024 and was revised to exclude 'sex' in January, the Democratic-controlled House did not hear the proposal.
'We need to be aware of the negative impacts of our past mistakes, but (also) that we do not correct those going forward by considerations for promotion and opportunity beyond merit and one's ability to serve their community,' Garrett said.
Cherry added that Virginia's community college system is an 'important link' in the state's higher education offerings, particularly for first-generation and working adult families.
'Ending the divisiveness of DEI programs at VCCS and all public colleges and universities allows them to stay focused on one of their main objectives, which should be making a college degree attainable and affordable for all Virginians, and I support their decision.'
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CNN
21 minutes ago
- CNN
A tumultuous week in Los Angeles illustrates the human toll of the Trump administration's more aggressive immigration crackdown
Immigration Donald Trump Federal agenciesFacebookTweetLink Follow Days before immigration raids sparked sometimes violent protests and the deployment of US troops in Los Angeles, Nancy Raquel Chirinos Medina said, her husband received a 'strange' text. The message from US Immigration and Customs Enforcement directed the father of two with one on the way to come to a federal building downtown with his family. 'It really surprised us, especially because it said the whole family had to be there … It was strange,' recalled Chirinos Medina, an asylum seeker from Honduras along with her husband. They routinely checked in with ICE, she said, but their next appointment wasn't until September. Chirinos Medina, who's nine weeks pregnant, as well as her husband, their 8-year-old son, and their US-born toddler, wound up among the nearly 20 immigrant families detained by ICE for hours at that Los Angeles federal building the first Wednesday in June, she said. There were few answers about what was happening and, that night, her husband was arrested and later transferred to an ICE detention center to face deportation. 'Dad isn't coming back, is he?' their young son asked Chirinos Medina late that night. He cried the entire 90-minute drive back home to Lancaster, a city in northern Los Angeles County. 'We entered as a family of four and only three of us left,' said Chirinos Medina, who – with her husband and son – came to the US four years ago. They're in the process of appealing an immigration court decision denying their asylum claim. Her husband, Randal Isaias Bonilla Mejia, has not returned home. A court order bars his deportation until the family's asylum claim is adjudicated. The events that unfolded that Wednesday, and the days that followed, illustrate the human toll of more aggressive methods the Trump administration have taken to detain migrants in the United States — taking into custody those who arrive for routine check-ins, while also conducting workplace raids that have unleashed waves of fear across Southern California and beyond. A curfew was imposed in parts of downtown Los Angeles last week after fiery weekend protests outside the same complex of government buildings where Chirinos Medina's husband was detained. Prev Next Across the nation, demonstrators have taken to the streets, with hundreds of protests on Saturday as part of the 'No Kings' movement that organizers said seeks to reject 'authoritarianism, billionaire-first politics, and the militarization of our democracy.' The tumultuous week also reflects the complicated landscape of immigration in America and controversial enforcement actions that shape public perception. 'These are tactics that we haven't seen before on this scale,' said Amada Armenta, UCLA associate professor of urban planning who specializes in immigration enforcement. 'They are showing up with masks. They are not identifying themselves,' she said of the heavily armed ICE officers in tactical gear and armored vehicles conducting the sweeps. 'They are grabbing people indiscriminately, putting them into vans and then not letting them see attorneys. They're sometimes quickly deporting people before they can get an attorney, or they're moving them to other states where it's hard for them to access support.' ICE has not responded to CNN's request for comment about the ramped up enforcement. In statements last week, an ICE spokesperson said the agency 'arrests aliens who commit crimes and other individuals who have violated our nation's immigration laws,' and 'takes very seriously it's mandate to care for people in their custody with dignity and as mandated by law.' Immigration sweeps on industries that rely heavily on immigrant workers have picked up in recent weeks amid a push to meet White House demands to increase daily arrests. In an about-face, the Trump administration ordered ICE to scale back raids and arrests targeting farms, eateries and hotels — industries reliant on immigrant labor, according to an internal email and three officials with knowledge of the guidance cited by The New York Times on Friday. Officers should refrain from arresting 'noncriminal collaterals,' or undocumented individuals without criminal records, the guidance said. Undocumented immigrants make up 4% to 5% of the total US workforce, but 15% to 20% or more in industries such as crop production, food processing and construction, according to Goldman Sachs. In Los Angeles County, about a tenth of roughly 950,000 residents are unauthorized immigrants, according to the Migration Policy Institute. About a third have lived in the US 20 years or more. More than two-thirds are employed. In a city where the names of streets reflect its Spanish roots – and which has even deeper ties to Mexico and Central America – the outrage over the sweeps is not surprising. 'The strong response that you're seeing comes from … a really deep history of immigrant organizing in the city… It shows how intimately woven immigrants are to Los Angeles,' said Talia Inlender, deputy director of the Center for Immigration Law and Policy at the UCLA School of Law. On June 6, raids outside a Home Depot and an apparel warehouse in Los Angeles set off days of protests and, on some nights, clashes between demonstrators and law enforcement. President Donald Trump on June 7 deployed National Guard troops to the city to 'temporarily protect ICE and other United States Government personnel who are performing Federal functions' and to protect federal property, according to a memo –– overriding California Gov. Gavin Newsom, who called the move a 'brazen abuse of power.' The Trump administration's immigration policy 'affects so many children of immigrants who are growing up with legal status in the United States, or people who have relatives who are undocumented or legal permanent residents. People who are naturalized citizens are worried and afraid,' said Jody Agius Vallejo, a professor of sociology at USC and associate director of the university's Equity Research Institute. 'There is not one person who is not touched by immigration in California and it is why these people are out there on the streets.' In Los Angeles, some nannies are living in fear of being profiled by ICE officers. As the school year wound down, many children stayed home. Others wept openly in class, worried about the future of their families. Some relatives stayed away from graduation ceremonies. 'How do you explain the reality of this without truly frightening … the child more than they already are, because you can't sugarcoat this. This is real,' said Adrian Tamayo, a special education teacher at Lorena Street Elementary School in the predominantly Hispanic Boyle Heights neighborhood. Tamayo said he has asked his wife to drive when they ride together. 'Your skin is lighter than mine,' he said he tells her. 'It's kind of sad that we've come to that.' Martha Melendrez, a psychiatric social worker at a high school in Los Angeles County, said the anxiety of many students has been mounting since the November election. Three months ago, she said, immigration officers came to the house of one of her students and pointed a gun at him. 'It's just infuriating. It's heartbreaking. It's sad,' said Melendrez, adding that she was formerly undocumented herself. Outside the Los Angeles County apparel warehouse where dozens of immigrants were detained on June 6, Leslie Quechol, 23, said family members of the workers gathered, many weeping, as their loved ones were put into vans. One detainee was her cousin, Ismael Quechol, 40, who she said has three US-born children and migrated from Mexico more than 15 years ago. Many of those arrested descended from the Zapotecs, an Indigenous people of Mexico. 'Our whole community is heartbroken, angry and scared. We're just seeing how our loved ones being taken away,' she said. 'Our communities are under attack, basically.' Chirinos Medina, her husband and their then-4-year-old son arrived in the United States in 2021. The family, nationals of Honduras, arrived at the US-Mexico border and moved to California. They left Honduras after her husband, a bus driver back home, received death threats from MS-13 gang members, according to their asylum application. Her toddler is a US citizen. The family checked in regularly with ICE, she said. 'We've done everything like they asked.' On June 4, a Wednesday, the family went to a federal building downtown, proceeding as they would for any other routine check-in. But the waiting time dragged on, Chirinos Medina said. Chirinos Medina and her husband were in a room with nearly 20 adults plus many children. They noticed that the doors had been closed, and officers appeared to be standing guard, she said. 'We felt like we were imprisoned … We were all sitting and we heard the yells of someone saying, 'Help.' My son got scared. I asked my son if he was afraid. He was trembling and said yes,' she told CNN in Spanish. 'We were afraid they were going to separate us.' Eventually, Chirinos Medina was pulled aside by an officer who said she'd be able to go home with her kids, but her husband would remain detained. 'I had to inform my husband that he was going to remain detained while I went home,' she said. 'Stay strong,' he told her. 'They closed the door, and I didn't see him again,' Chirinos Medina recalled. Nearly 12 hours later, she left the building with her children. Her husband, who she said has no criminal record, is now detained at an ICE facility in California. 'We never thought this would happen,' Chirinos Medina said, adding that she expected Trump to go after criminals, not people like her and her husband. 'A lot of families are suffering.'

Politico
25 minutes ago
- Politico
Trump has a plan to remake the housing-finance system. It's baffling to many lawmakers and experts.
GOP lawmakers and the mortgage industry are raising questions about the Trump administration's plans to maintain government control over much of the nation's housing finance system, defying expectations that it would back off. President Donald Trump surprised the industry late last month by pledging to take public Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the government-controlled companies that stand behind half the $16 trillion residential mortgage market — while preserving an implicit federal guarantee for their solvency. His top housing regulator, Bill Pulte, who oversees the companies, added to the confusion by saying the administration is exploring ways to sell shares while keeping the companies under government authority. The insistence on preserving significant sway over the two mortgage giants, which were seized by the Bush administration during the financial crisis and placed in conservatorship, is setting up a potential rift with Republicans — and possibly even some administration aides who have long worked to reduce the government's footprint in the housing market. 'I want to get them out of conservatorship,' said Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.), chair of the Senate Banking subcommittee with oversight of Fannie and Freddie. 'But I want to be very careful about how we do it, because we need the secondary market, and we need it to work,' he added, referring to the market where mortgage loans are purchased and sold to investors. Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.), a member of the House Financial Services Committee, said 'we need to continue to investigate recapitalization and releasing' the companies from government control. The question of what to do with Fannie and Freddie has bedeviled policymakers for decades, with Republicans wanting the government to take its hands off housing finance and Democrats fearing that privatizing the firms would destabilize the market and push up mortgage rates. At stake is a potential windfall of hundreds of billions of dollars for an administration that is staring at massive fiscal deficits. The government holds a roughly $340 billion liquidation preference for the two companies, by one estimate — meaning the money would go to the Treasury Department before anyone else in the event of a sale. Pulte, the director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency, will meet with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Securities and Exchange Commission Chair Paul Atkins on June 17 to discuss the future of Fannie and Freddie, underscoring the importance of the issue. Fannie and Freddie don't make loans themselves, but rather purchase them from mortgage companies and bundle them into securities to sell on the secondary market, freeing up the lenders to make more loans. That, plus the government guarantee, helps keep mortgage rates down, supporters say. Trump was widely expected to support privatization, after his first administration worked to prepare the companies for their eventual release. But his latest comments look more like what former President Joe Biden would do, according to Jim Parrott, a nonresident fellow at the Urban Institute and a former economic adviser in the Obama White House. 'In the Biden administration, you could imagine a version of this,' Parrott said. 'The fact that we're hearing about it in this administration, I think, is catching folks by surprise.' The FHFA responded in an email that it is 'studying how, if the President elects to take Fannie and Freddie public, it can be done in the safest and soundest manner which includes keeping them in conservatorship.' It added: 'In any scenario, we will ensure the [mortgage-backed securities] market is safe and sound and that there is no upward pressure on rates.' White House deputy press secretary Harrison Fields said the administration 'is committed to strengthening the Federal Housing Finance Agency to advance the President's mission of restoring the dream of homeownership for all Americans.' Keeping Fannie and Freddie in conservatorship, according to one shareholder, amounts to attaching 'training wheels' as the government figures out how to monetize its stake. 'I think Pulte has probably confused people more than anything with his message,' said Tim Pagliara, a shareholder and author of the book 'Another Big Lie: How the Government Stole Billions from the American Dream of Home Ownership and Got Caught!' 'So the idea, for example, of allowing these entities to operate in conservatorship is a strategy that they probably talked about with the investment bankers on their primary concern, which is mortgage rates going up,' he added. 'It's like putting training wheels on a bike.' The administration's pronouncements have perplexed housing finance analysts who are unsure of what a scheme to take the companies public while keeping them in conservatorship would look like — or whether there would be sufficient investor appetite to make it worthwhile. JPMorgan strategists wrote in a note that they were 'flummoxed' by the comments. 'It's just hard to imagine why anybody would think there would be strong investor interest in that kind of model, unless the government were to convey they were going to run the [government-sponsored enterprises] in a way that's investor-friendly, and I think we're a long way off from that,' Parrott said. David Dworkin, president and CEO of the National Housing Conference, a stakeholders' group, agreed. 'The most important element of a successful stock sale is a board that is truly independent and has a fiduciary responsibility to shareholders,' he said. 'Under conservatorship, that is actually not even allowed. So, without an independent board with a fiduciary responsibility to the shareholders, there is no value to the stock.' Still, he said, 'there are far too many comments coming from major players, including the president of the United States, to avoid the conclusion that major action on conservatorship could be in the very near future.' Another housing finance analyst, granted anonymity to frankly discuss the nascent plans, also expressed skepticism about the idea that investors would bite on purchasing shares in conservatorship, with the federal government still owning the vast majority of the asset. 'The direction of that control can change at the next election,' the analyst said. 'Each administration has already demonstrated they want to use Fannie and Freddie in different ways, so what are you investing in?' For the most part, Republican lawmakers are keeping their powder dry as they wait for additional details about the administration's plans. '[Senate Banking Committee] Chairman [Tim] Scott looks forward to hearing more' from Trump and Pulte on their plans for Fannie and Freddie, spokesperson Ben Watson said. Asked if conservatorship should end, Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.), a member of the Banking subcommittee with oversight of Fannie and Freddie, said, 'I don't know.' 'We're going to wait until the first quarter of 2026 to have that conversation,' said Rep. Mike Flood (R-Neb.), chair of the Financial Services housing subcommittee. 'Releasing them from conservatorship, that's one thing, but most of the folks I talked to still want the federal government on the hook.' The first Trump administration worked to build capital at the companies to prepare them for the end of conservatorship, an effort led by then-Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin and former Federal Housing Finance Agency Director Mark Calabria. Calabria has returned for Trump 2.0, now in a position with the White House Office of Management and Budget. Two key Treasury officials — Jonathan McKernan and Luke Pettit — also hail from the school of thought that Fannie and Freddie should be released from conservatorship. 'The Treasury Department has not really engaged on this yet — so it does not appear to me that the administration is very far into the analysis of options phase,' Parrott said. 'Until the Treasury Department really engages in any of this meaningfully, it's hard to know where all this lands.'

Politico
25 minutes ago
- Politico
Trump wants to score trade deals in Canada. He's unlikely to get them.
President Donald Trump will arrive in the Canadian Rockies on Sunday for a meeting of the world's economic powerhouses facing a potentially calamitous tariff deadline and a burgeoning crisis in the Middle East. But he's unlikely to leave the three-day summit with a breakthrough on either front. Trump is eager to use the G7 meetings to show progress toward an array of trade deals with the U.S.'s most critical allies. The gathering also takes on heightened importance in the wake of an Israeli attack on Iran that sent oil prices skyrocketing and injected fresh uncertainty into the global economy. But Trump officials are struggling to lock down trade pacts that they predicted were imminent in the wake of a first deal with the U.K. nearly a month ago. Even early chatter of a deal with Japan by this week's conference appears unlikely, said two people close to the White House, granted anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. And now, with the U.S. occupied by turmoil in the Middle East, Trump aides and advisers are tempering expectations for what the G7 may ultimately produce. 'Everybody just wants to survive,' said Ivo Daalder, president of the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and a former U.S. ambassador to NATO. 'There's not a lot of interest in making deals.' In a call with reporters on Friday, a senior U.S. official granted anonymity to preview the summit offered little in the way of specific goals, saying only that Trump sought to 'make progress' in a range of areas including 'making America's trade relationships fair and reciprocal.' The lowered stakes reflect the plodding pace of negotiations with economic partners since April, when Trump blew up their trade ties in pursuit of new deals that he's insisted must be more favorable to the United States. Leaders across Europe are projecting resolve despite the prospect of punishing tariffs come early July. The reduced expectations also underscore how quickly Trump's return to office has fractured the close Western alliance that the U.S. long claimed to lead. Whereas the G7 once prided itself on speaking with one authoritative voice on critical economic and national security matters, most leaders are now just hoping to escape the summit site in Kananaskis, Alberta, without opening a new front in their fight with Trump, diplomatic experts and others involved in the summit preparations said. The G7 countries have already abandoned hopes of signing a traditional joint statement, upending decades of precedent over worries that Trump and his counterparts are too far apart on a number of key issues. The nations instead plan to issue a handful of 'leaders' statements' on more specific issues where all or most of them can reach agreement. The move averts the risk of a repeat of the last Canada-hosted summit, when Trump in 2018 abruptly rejected the statement via an incensed tweet from Air Force One. Back then, negotiators had spent hours haggling over a single word in a line related to trade amid Trump's vows to impose steeper tariffs on allies, said one of the people close to the White House. But shortly after reaching agreement, then-Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau criticized the U.S. tariffs, enraging Trump and prompting him to pull his support. New Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has sought to sidestep conflict with the rest of his agenda as well, with multilateral meetings on topics like energy security and drug trafficking aimed at emphasizing areas of common ground. As for the White House, it's shied away from making grand promises. A potential trade deal with Japan is unlikely to be finalized. And while officials cautioned that Trump could always broker a surprise agreement in meetings with other world leaders, there's little expectation that the summit will yield more than commitments to keep talking. 'Everyone's in really different spots in their trade relationships,' one of the people close to the White House said of the several parallel efforts to strike new trade agreements. 'I would be shocked if they came out with anything like the U.K.-U.S. framework in that environment.' Still, Trump and his aides view the G7 as a high-profile opportunity to reassert American primacy over even their closest allies, said advisers and others involved in the global preparations. Trump is likely to jump at any chance to demonstrate his administration's strength on the world stage, even if just rhetorically — forcing the rest of the group to decide when to go along and when to risk confrontation. 'A success on the U.S. side would be going to the summit and being seen as not being pushed around by other leaders,' said Caitlin Welsh, a former senior National Security Council official during Trump's first term. The president may get plenty of opportunities to cultivate that image. In addition to trade issues, Trump's response to Israel's attack on Iran will be closely watched for clues as to whether the U.S. will join the fray. Trump is also likely to face greater pressure to impose sanctions on Russia over its war in Ukraine — a step that he's publicly floated but remains reluctant to take. The president on Thursday said he was 'very disappointed in Russia' over its resistance to peace talks. But he quickly added that he was 'very disappointed in Ukraine also' in a sign of the wide gap between Trump's attitude toward the war and the rest of the G7's steadfast support for Ukraine. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who was among those invited by Carney, has vowed to seek another sitdown with Trump at the summit. But even the prospect of a brief meeting has raised some concerns within the G7 over whether it's worth the risk that at any moment Trump and Zelenskyy's relationship could go sideways again — and sink U.S. support for Ukraine in the process. 'The value is only in maintaining the status quo,' Daalder said of discussions with Trump on the topic. But for Trump, the trade war that has consumed his first months in office is just as likely to dominate his three days in Canada. The president is expected to hold a series of bilateral meetings on the summit's sidelines, as the administration tries to push ahead trade deals in differing stages of negotiation. Trump has also tried to up the pressure on his G7 allies, vowing to greenlight a market-rattling return to steep tariffs on July 9 should they fail to clinch agreements in the coming weeks. The push still isn't expected to generate any quick victories in an area where negotiations are often measured in years rather than weeks. Yet allies in the U.S. and abroad are hoping that simply being back at the center of it all, surrounded by world leaders eager for a bit of his time, will prove enough progress for Trump to call off an even more severe trade war. 'He's completely comfortable with an outcome that ends in tariffs,' one of the people close to the White House said. 'But a lot of it depends on whether there's progress being made, and if he feels the countries are serious.' Amy Mackinnon contributed to this report.