EU proposes to lower price cap for Russian oil to US$45
The Financial Times has learned that the European Commission and the most influential EU member states are insisting on lowering the upper price cap on Russian oil to US$45 to strengthen sanctions against Russia. However, this idea has not yet convinced all 27 EU member states and their G7 partners.
Source: Financial Times
Details: According to people familiar with early discussions on the 18th package of EU sanctions, Brussels is seeking to take more substantial measures against Russia, particularly to lower the price cap on crude oil exports from US$60 to US$45 per barrel.
At last week's meeting of G7 finance ministers, Canada proposed including clear wording on tightening oil price restrictions in the joint statement.
The proposal was supported by the EU and G7 members France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom. However, according to three officials familiar with the meeting, it was not included at the request of US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent.
The final statement included language committing G7 countries to continue to explore all options, including options to maximise pressure, such as further strengthening sanctions, if no ceasefire agreement is reached.
Background:
Officials said that EU countries that had previously been reluctant to support the idea of oil price caps, such as Hungary and Greece, are still considering the proposal.
Meanwhile, Finnish Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen believes that the price cap on Russian oil should be lowered to US$40 per barrel.
Ukraine has called on the European Union to lower the maximum price for Russian oil to US$30 per barrel.
Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
30 minutes ago
- Yahoo
OPEC+ oil producers stick to their guns with another big hike for July
By Alex Lawler, Olesya Astakhova and Ahmad Ghaddar LONDON/MOSCOW (Reuters) -The world's largest group of oil producers, OPEC+, stuck to its guns on Saturday with another big increase of 411,000 barrels per day for July as it looks to wrestle back market share and punish over-producers. Having spent years curbing production - more than 5 million barrels a day (bpd) or 5% of world demand - eight OPEC+ countries made an modest output increase in April before tripling it for May, June and now July. They are spurring production despite the extra supply weighing on crude prices as group leaders Saudi Arabia and Russia seek to win back market share as well as punish over-producing allies such as Iraq and Kazakhstan. "Today's decision only goes to show that market share is on top of the agenda. If price will not get you the revenues you want, they are hoping that volume will," said analyst Harry Tchilinguirian of Onyx Captal eight countries held an online meeting on Saturday to set July production. The also discussed other options, an OPEC+ delegate said. On Friday, sources familiar with OPEC+ talks had said they could discuss an even larger hike. In a statement OPEC+ cited a "steady global economic outlook and current healthy market fundamentals, as reflected in the low oil inventories" as its reasoning for the July increase. OPEC+ pumps about half of the world's oil and includes OPEC members and allies such as Russia. Its increased supply is weighing on crude prices, squeezing all producers, but some more than others, including a key group of rivals - U.S. shale producers, analysts say. "Three strikes from OPEC+, and none were softballs. May warned, June confirmed, and July fires a shot across the bow," said Jorge Leon, head of geopolitical analysis at Rystad and a former OPEC official. Since April, the OPEC+ eight have now made or announced increases totalling 1.37 million bpd, or 62% of the 2.2 million bpd they aim to add back to the market. Higher summer oil demand favours increasing output at this time, OPEC+ officials including Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak have said. "The oil market remains tight indicating it can absorb additional barrels, as the effective increase should be smaller as several of the eight countries are overproducing, and demand is seasonally rising," said Giovanni Staunovo, analyst at UBS. Algeria was among a small number of nations that requested a pause in the output hikes on Saturday, a source familiar with the matter said. Oil prices fell to a four-year low in April, slipping below $60 per barrel after OPEC+ said it was tripling its output hike in May and as U.S. President Donald Trump's tariffs raised concerns about global economic weakness. Prices closed just below $63 on Friday. Global oil demand is expected to grow by an average of 775,000 bpd in 2025, according to a Reuters poll of analysts published on Friday, while the International Energy Agency in its latest outlook saw an increase of 740,000 bpd. Besides the 2.2 million bpd cut that the eight members started to unwind in April, OPEC+ has two other layers of cuts that are expected to remain in place until the end of 2026.
Yahoo
35 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Pro-EU and MAGA visions clash in Poland's closely fought presidential runoff
By Alan Charlish WARSAW (Reuters) -Poland holds a knife-edge presidential election on Sunday which will determine whether the largest country in the European Union's eastern wing cements its place in the bloc's mainstream or turns towards MAGA-style nationalism. Turnout holds the key to the contest between Rafal Trzaskowski of ruling centrists Civic Coalition (KO), who holds a narrow lead, and Karol Nawrocki, backed by nationalists Law and Justice (PiS). Parliament holds most power in Poland but the president can veto legislation so the vote is being watched closely in neighbouring Ukraine, as well as in Russia, the U.S. and across the EU. Both candidates agree on the need to spend heavily on defence, as U.S. President Donald Trump is demanding from Europe, and to continue supporting Ukraine in its fight against Russia's three-year-old invasion. But while Trzaskowski sees Ukraine's future membership of NATO as essential for Poland's security, Nawrocki has recently said he would not ratify it as president as this could draw the alliance into a war with Russia. Trzaskowski says strong relations with both Brussels and Washington are essential for Poland's security, but Nawrocki, who met Trump in the White House in May, prioritises relations with the United States. If Nawrocki wins, he is likely to follow a similar path to President Andrzej Duda, a PiS ally who has used his veto power to block the government's efforts to undo the previous PiS administration's judicial reforms which the EU says undermined the independence of the courts. Coming around a year-and-a half since Prime Minister Donald Tusk took office, the vote provides the stiffest test yet of support for his broad coalition government, with Nawrocki presenting the ballot as a referendum on its actions. Voting begins at 7 a.m. (0500 GMT) and is due to end at 9 p.m., with exit polls published soon afterwards. The electoral commission says it hopes final results will be announced on Monday morning or early afternoon. Opinion polls show that the difference between the candidates is within the margin of error. In 2023, huge queues outside polling stations in large cities forced some to stay open later than planned. Analysts said that high participation by younger, liberal, urban Poles was crucial in securing a majority for Tusk. Trzaskowski is hoping that such scenes will be repeated on Sunday. "Encourage everyone, so that as many Poles as possible vote in the presidential election," he told a rally in Wloclawek, central Poland, on Friday. Nawrocki, who draws inspiration from United States President Donald Trump and his Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, told supporters in Biala Podlaska in the country's east that "these elections could be decided by single votes". SOCIAL ISSUES The two candidates also differ on social issues, with Trzaskowski favouring the liberalisation of abortion laws and introduction of civil partnerships for LGBT couples, while Nawrocki says predominantly Catholic Poland should reject such moves. The first round of the election on May 18 saw a surge in support for the anti-establishment far-right, suggesting that the KO-PiS duopoly that has dominated Polish politics for a generation may be starting to fracture. Nevertheless, after a tumultuous campaign in which Nawrocki in particular faced a slew of negative media reports about his alleged past conduct, once again candidates representing the two main parties are facing off in the second round. PiS has traditionally enjoyed high support in small towns and rural areas, especially in the south and east. These areas are typically more socially conservative than larger cities and poorer, creating a sense of exclusion that PiS has tapped into. "They want to build a Poland for the elites," Nawrocki told voters in Biala Podlaska, referring to his opponents from KO. "I am simply one of you, I am a citizen of the Polish state who has travelled a long road to be able to today face a person who is the creation of a political laboratory!" KO, meanwhile, campaigns on a pro-European centrist agenda that appeals to more liberal-minded Poles who mainly live in cities or bigger towns. Trzaskowski took heart from the turnout at a rally in Ciechanow, central Poland. "Looking at this mobilisation, I see how much hope you have - hope in a future in which Poland plays a leading role in the European Union," he said.

Yahoo
36 minutes ago
- Yahoo
From Leader to Laggard? U.S. Faces Carbon Capture Slowdown as EU Surges Ahead
Carbon capture and storage (CCS) has long been recognized as a critical technology for achieving net-zero emissions, particularly in hard-to-abate sectors like steel, cement, and chemicals. Historically, the United States has been at the forefront of CCS development, propelled by generous subsidies and tax incentives, notably the 45Q tax credit enhanced by the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). However, recent policy developments in Europe signal a strategic shift that could redefine global leadership in CCS. The U.S. approach: A market-led model facing political uncertainty For years, the United States has been the global frontrunner in CCS deployment, thanks to a market-based approach centered around financial incentives. The 45Q tax credit, bolstered by the IRA, offered up to $85 per tonne of CO2 captured and stored in geological formations, and up to $180 per tonne for direct air capture (DAC) projects. These incentives sparked a surge of interest and investment, with over $320 billion in clean energy projects announced in the wake of the IRA—many incorporating CCS as a key decarbonization tool. The enthusiasm for CCS in the U.S. market remains strong. Companies and investors are still eager to pursue large-scale projects, and the technological expertise in CCS is considerable. However, the political landscape has introduced significant uncertainty. Proposed legislation to repeal or weaken key provisions of the IRA has created a cloud of doubt over the future of CCS incentives. Already, this policy instability has led to the cancellation or delay of major projects, with estimates suggesting that over $14 billion in clean energy investments have been shelved due to fears that the regulatory framework may political uncertainty undermines investor confidence and makes it harder for companies to commit to the long lead times and high capital costs required for CCS projects. As a result, while the interest and market potential for CCS in the U.S. remain strong, the momentum is at risk of stalling. Europe's regulatory mandate: A new model for CCS deployment In contrast, Europe is taking a more direct and regulatory-driven approach. Under the recently adopted Net-Zero Industry Act, the EU has introduced a groundbreaking requirement: oil and gas companies must collectively develop and reserve at least 50 million tonnes of annual CO2 storage capacity by 2030. This mandate is proportionally assigned, with each company's obligation based on its historical production levels, ensuring that those most responsible for emissions contribute the most to the solution. This shift marks a fundamental departure from the U.S. model. Rather than relying on voluntary market signals and financial incentives, Europe is creating a binding legal obligation—turning CCS from a niche technology into a critical pillar of its industrial decarbonization strategy. By designating these storage projects as Net-Zero Strategic Projects, the EU also accelerates permitting processes and unlocks access to funding mechanisms like the Innovation Fund, supported by revenues from the EU ETS. This regulatory certainty offers investors a stable environment in which to commit capital, reducing risk and providing a clear roadmap for the long-term development of CCS infrastructure. A shift in global momentum The contrasting approaches between the U.S. and Europe highlight a shifting dynamic in global CCS leadership. The U.S. market, once the undisputed leader in CCS due to its financial incentives, now faces a potential slowdown as policy uncertainty erodes confidence. While interest and market conditions for CCS in the U.S. remain strong, the lack of stability in the regulatory environment makes it difficult for projects to reach final investment decisions. Europe, by contrast, is creating a stable and predictable policy framework that reduces uncertainty and drives investment. By mandating the development of storage capacity, Europe ensures that the infrastructure will be in place to support decarbonization efforts across multiple sectors—from steel and cement to hydrogen and negative emissions technologies. This approach positions Europe as a growing center of gravity for CCS innovation, offering a blueprint that other regions may seek to emulate. Oil and gas companies as part of the solution In previous publications, I have discussed how oil and gas companies can contribute to the energy transition—not just as suppliers of fossil fuels, but as builders of critical infrastructure for a net-zero future. Europe's CO2 storage mandate is a clear example of this vision in action. By leveraging their expertise in subsurface operations, oil and gas companies can develop the storage capacity that will serve as the backbone of Europe's industrial decarbonization strategy. This is a tangible way for these companies to contribute positively to the transition, using their resources and knowledge to solve one of the most pressing challenges of the clean energy shift: where to safely and permanently store CO2. Conclusion The European Union's CO2 storage mandate is more than just a regulatory milestone—it is a turning point for the global CCS industry. By creating a legally binding requirement for storage development, Europe is providing the certainty that markets and investors need to scale up CCS projects. In contrast, the U.S., despite its early lead and the market's ongoing interest, risks losing momentum due to political instability and the potential rollback of critical incentives. This transatlantic divergence has far-reaching implications. As Europe accelerates its CCS deployment, it positions itself as a leader in the global race to decarbonize heavy industry. The U.S., meanwhile, faces the risk of ceding its leadership role unless it can provide stable and predictable policy support. The challenge now is clear: Europe must act swiftly to implement its ambitious plans, and the U.S. must ensure that political uncertainty does not undermine its CCS potential. The world is watching, and the choices made today will shape the industrial landscape of tomorrow. By Leon Stille for More Top Reads From this article on