
Texas may allow families to pay for private schools with public funds
Donald Trump's executive order on school choice last month may soon be wholly embraced by the state of Texas.
Earlier this month, the Texas governor, Greg Abbott, announced school choice as an emergency item during his State of the State address, and just last week, the Texas senate easily passed a school voucher bill (known as senate bill 2 or SB2), which House Republicans expect to pass imminently.
Should SB2 pass, it would allocate $1bn of state funds to allow families to use up to $10,000 of taxpayer dollars per student per year to fund education at an accredited private school. Texas would then join 28 other states and Washington DC in having some form of 'school choice' or a school voucher program, per EdWeek.
Abbott, who has previously said the 'next legislative session will be known as the school choice session', is one of many lawmakers across the country who aims to help state legislatures adopt new or expanded school-voucher laws.
A publicly funded alternative to public school is not a new idea in Texas, which since 2015, has seen school choice passed in the state senate five times. Having repeatedly died in the Republican-controlled house, the failure underscores that education in the state is a divisive issue – regardless of side of the aisle.
But recent state elections may be the final push the movement needs.
During the statehouse primary elections last year, Abbott – bolstered by campaign contributions from vocal school-choice advocates and billionaires Jeff Yass and Betsy DeVos, Trump's former US secretary of education – endorsed 15 candidates willing to challenge their incumbent opponents on school choice.
More than 10 of those candidates won; only four statehouse representatives who opposed education savings accounts (ESAs) and vouchers managed to hold onto their seats.
David DeMatthews, an education policy professor at the University of Texas in Austin, told the Guardian that 'the massive campaign contributions' were noteworthy because they 'push[ed] out, for the most part, very conservative rural Republicans who voted on party lines, on everything for the most part – except for school vouchers'.
'Vouchers were basically bought, that the policy was for sale, and that was the one issue,' he added.
The split in the party over school choice has more to do with geography than it does ideology. Those against various versions of school vouchers often represent rural districts, where there aren't many places to send kids to school – effectively making vouchers a subsidy only for urban communities that have private schools.
Rebecca Pringle, president of the National Education Association, told the Guardian that some of the Republicans in those areas are opposed likely because they 'realize 'my constituency does not gain from this'. And in fact, they lose.'
All four Republican state representatives who retained their seats represent rural districts.
More than 675,000 US students use some kind of voucher program to attend a private school, according to a 2023 report from EdChoice, a pro-school choice organization. And while the data on who these users are is incomplete since private schools aren't required to share enrollment statistics, one 2023 study from the Ohio Education Policy Institute found that vouchers increasingly benefit wealthier families in the state who are already enrolling their children in private school.
Pro-voucher advocates often tout benefits for students with disabilities, who may struggle to access resources in a public school and are eligible for up to $11,500 for private education under SB2.
But a US department of education report on a Washington DC voucher program found that 'a main reason why students didn't use a voucher offered to them was that they were unable to find a participating school with services for their learning or physical disability or other special needs'.
'21.6% of parents who rejected a voucher that was offered to their child did so because the school lacked the special needs services that their child needed, and 12.3% of the parents who accepted a voucher for their child but then left the program cited a lack of special needs services at the school they had chosen,' the report states.
Sign up to Headlines US
Get the most important US headlines and highlights emailed direct to you every morning
after newsletter promotion
DeMatthews called what's proposed in Texas 'publicly funded discrimination'.
'You start to have two parallel systems: the public system is educating all the students with disabilities, and the private system is not,' he said. 'It costs more to educate children with disabilities.'
Should SB2 pass in Texas, DeMatthews says to look to other states for what will happen next.
'What we've seen in other states that have passed large voucher programs is the private schools in that state immediately raise tuition. That's the first thing,' he said. 'And sometimes that even happens before the bill gets passed there. They're anticipating it, and they just raise tuition because they know now that any family that wants to attend there, even the families that are already enrolled in those schools, have say a $10,000 voucher in their hands.'
An example of this has already happened in Arizona. Shortly after creating its universal ESA program in 2022, the state saw dozens of its private schools raise the price of tuition – half beyond the rate of inflation, according to the Hechinger Report.
Public schools, which are funded largely based on enrollment, won't see a significant decline in enrollment at first, DeMatthews said. But such a decline at a rural school district with far fewer students could manifest more harshly.
While Abbott has said he is committed to fully funding Texas's public schools, Rice University's Kinder Institute for Urban Research in Houston found that 73% of Texas school districts are already underfunded.
DeMatthews noted that Texas could see a rise in non-public school options that could benefit from a voucher scheme, prompting competition for enrollment and further diverting funds away from public schools.
'There's not a lot of limitations on who can actually use [vouchers],' he said, adding that there are financial and tax incentives for people to open up schools. 'There's not a lot of oversight for getting in the game. In Texas, it would be harder to open up a barber shop than it would be to open up a school.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


BBC News
19 minutes ago
- BBC News
DR Congo-Rwanda ceasefire deal still faces many challenges
Both sides of the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have committed to disarming and disengaging their alleged proxies. But there are dozens of non-state armed groups active in the region and it's not clear whether all of them will adhere to the ceasefire. Just hours before the deal was signed, one of them, the Codeco militia, attacked a displaced persons camp in Ituri province, killing 10 people. Keeping these non-state actors in line will be a tall order. Part of the peace deal involves creating the conditions to allow the hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the conflict to return home. That won't be possible without a complete cessation of to the eastern DRC's vast mineral resources, critical to modern technology including electric car and mobile phone batteries, the economic incentives for rebel groups are incredibly tempting, and this deal does not mention alternatives which may convince these groups to stop fighting over valuable territory. Integrating them into an under-resourced Congolese armed force is unlikely to prove enough of a also still not clear what preferential access, if any, the US has been offered to the DRC's minerals. President Donald Trump has made it clear that this is one of his key incentives for agreeing to support the peace process. But granting the US unfettered access to the country's mineral wealth is unpopular with many in the DRC, upset that the country's resources have failed to provide a better life for its to the key questions of whether Rwandan forces will withdraw from eastern DRC, the US position is that once the Hutu-led FDLR, which Rwanda says is backed by the DRC and aims to overthrow the Rwandan government, is dismantled, then Rwanda will also row back on its "defensive measure". This appears to be an oblique reference to the presence of Rwandan armed forces in eastern DRC. If the US is able to convince the Rwandans to do this in earnest, it would be a big victory for Washington and Kinshasa. Rwanda has repeatedly denied its troops are on the ground in eastern DRC, despite credible reports they've actively supported groups like M23 in the region. More about the DR Congo conflict from the BBC: Congolese rebels want peaceful solution to crisis, UN saysEx-DR Congo president returns from self-imposed exile, party saysDR Congo conflict tests China's diplomatic balancing actHow DR Congo's Tutsis become foreigners in their own country'They took all the women here': Rape survivors recall horror of DR Congo jailbreak Go to for more news from the African us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica


Sky News
26 minutes ago
- Sky News
Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda sign US-brokered peace deal - but doubts over success linger
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda have signed a peace deal which Donald Trump said he brokered - resulting in the US getting "a lot" of mineral rights in the process. The deal has been touted as an important step towards ending the decades-long conflict in eastern DRC which has caused the deaths of six million people. US secretary of state Marco Rubio called it "an important moment after 30 years of war". Earlier on Friday, President Trump said he was able to broker a deal for "one of the worst wars anyone's ever seen". "I was able to get them together and sell it," Mr Trump said. "And not only that, we're getting for the United States a lot of the mineral rights from Congo." The Rwanda -backed M23 rebel group, the most prominent armed group in the conflict, has suggested that the agreement won't be binding for them. It hasn't been directly involved in the planned peace deal. DRC foreign minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner invoked the millions of victims of the conflict in signing the agreement with Rwandan foreign minister Olivier Nduhungirehe. The agreement, signed by the foreign ministers during a ceremony with Mr Rubio in Washington, pledges to implement a 2024 deal that would see Rwandan troops withdraw from eastern DRC within 90 days, according to a copy seen by Reuters. "Some wounds will heal, but they will never fully disappear," Ms Wagner said. "Those who have suffered the most are watching. They are expecting this agreement to be respected, and we cannot fail them." Mr Nduhungirehe noted the "great deal of uncertainty" because previous agreements were not put in place. "There is no doubt that the road ahead will not be easy," he said. "But with the continued support of the United States and other partners, we believe that a turning point has been reached."


The Guardian
40 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Trump basks in triumph as supreme court kicks away another guardrail
He strode into the White House briefing room feeling invincible. In his own telling, he had fixed the Middle East. He had made Nato pay up. He had pacified the heart of Africa. And now Napoleon Trump had once again just been crowned emperor by the US supreme court. 'We've had a big week,' Donald Trump, orange hair shimmering, blue tie drooping below the waist, mused from a lectern anointed with the presidential seal. 'We've had a lot of victories this week.' The highest court had just handed the president another win by curbing the power of federal judges to impose nationwide rulings impeding his policies – though it left unresolved the issue of whether he can limit birthright citizenship. Unable to contain his glee, Trump came to talk to the press – something his predecessor Joe Biden rarely did – to goad the 'fake news' while basking in glory from the Maga-friendly media. The president hailed the court's decision as a 'monumental victory for the constitution, the separation of powers and the rule of law' and gloated – with some hyperbole – that 'there are people elated all over the country'. He looked forward to taking aim at targets such as birthright citizenship, sanctuary city funding and refugee resettlement. In the abstract, there is a reasonable debate to be had over how much power the judiciary should have to curb an elected leader's agenda. The attorney general, Pam Bondi, has described it as a 'bipartisan problem' that has plagued five different presidents. A decade ago Barack Obama expressed frustration when a district court temporarily blocked his executive actions on immigration. In the court's majority opinion, the conservative justice Amy Coney Barrett rejected liberal justice Ketanji Brown Jackson's contention that they were neglecting their duty to protect the people from government overreach. 'Justice Jackson decries an imperial Executive while embracing an imperial Judiciary,' Barrett wrote. But context is everything. Trump has marginalised Congress, sued the media in an effort to chill free speech, assailed cultural institutions and universities and deployed the military against peaceful protesters. The courts have been leading the way in safeguarding democracy from his authoritarian impulses. Now they too are on the ropes. Asked by a reporter if the supreme court decision concentrates too much power in the White House, Trump insisted: 'The question is fine but it's the opposite. The constitution has been brought back.' Yet the supreme court that decided to make the strongman even stronger contains three Trump appointees and last year found that former presidents have presumptive immunity from prosecution for 'official acts' – in effect putting Trump above the law. The four criminal investigations that once dogged him now feel like ancient history. Trump was asked a question by a reporter from LindellTV, a news organisation founded by Mike Lindell, a conspiracy theorist and founder of MyPillow, about whether he would like to see a justice department investigation of the judges whose rulings allowed the cases to proceed against him while he was out of office. 'I love you,' Trump said in response to the question, adding: 'I hope so.' It has been exactly 12 months since he debated with Biden and discovered an opponent in chronic decline. Democrats panicked and imploded, Trump survived an assassination attempt and rode his good fortune all the way to the White House. It is small wonder that the 79-year-old now considers himself untouchable, acting with impunity at home and abroad, holding freewheeling press conferences like Friday's without fear of consequences. 'Illegal crossings at the border are at zero now,' a reporter said. Trump interjected: 'Zero! Does everyone hear that?' A cameraman in the briefing room shouted: 'Trump 2028!' Later Trump reiterated his claim that Iran's nuclear sites had been obliterated and lamented: 'We had some fake news for a little while – the same people that covered the Hunter Biden laptop was from Russia … I don't believe that they're going to go back into nuclear anytime soon.' He also used the briefing to take a swipe at Jerome Powell, chair of the Federal Reserve, for not lowering interest rates. 'We have a man who's not a smart man, and he probably has Trump Derangement Syndrome.' Later on Friday the White House would host leaders from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda to sign a peace deal to end years of fighting. Trump cheerfully admitted: 'I'm a little bit out of my league in that one because I didn't know too much about it.' He also noted that the US would gain access to critical minerals in the region. Trump even ruminated on threats to his life, including proxy groups from Iran that may issue threats, and referenced the bullet that struck his ear last summer in an attempted assassination. He gets 'that throbbing feeling every once in a while', he said. 'What I do is a dangerous business. You know, I tell the story of the car companies and different people in different professions. You have race car drivers, as an example, one-tenth of 1% die. Bull riders, one-tenth of 1%. That's not a lot, but people die. When you're president, it's about 5%. If somebody would have told me that, maybe I wouldn't have run. This is a very different profession.' As raised hands in the room clamoured for attention his political lizard brain spotted an opportunity to bash his predecessor. 'This is the opposite of Biden. Biden would take a half a question and he'd leave without answering it … You tell me when it gets boring, OK?'