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UBTech partners with furniture chain to bring 10,000 robots to Chinese homes

UBTech partners with furniture chain to bring 10,000 robots to Chinese homes

UBTech Robotics has announced a partnership with a major Chinese furniture retail chain to sell 10,000 robots , including models specifically designed for elderly care, marking the firm's latest initiative to expand its presence in the consumer market.
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Shenzhen-based UBTech said in a statement on Monday that it would sell 500 humanoid robots this year to Easyhome New Retail Group to 'enhance the customer shopping experience' in furniture stores . Meanwhile, Easyhome planned to sell 10,000 UBTech robots to its customers and promote the use of intelligent elderly care robots in home service environments, the robot maker said.
The partnership will also involve the joint development of 'renovation robots' to reduce costs and improve efficiency during home remodelling, according to UBTech, whose elderly products include delivery robots, companion robots, walking aides and arm chairs.
The deal comes as humanoid robots are attracting increasing public attention, while production levels are on the rise. According to China's statistics bureau, the country produced 1.5 million service robots from January to February, a nearly 36 per cent increase from a year earlier.
03:31
Ageing Japan turns to AI robots to care for the elderly
Ageing Japan turns to AI robots to care for the elderly
The household sector 'has the largest potential' for the application of humanoid robots, according to UBTech chairman and CEO Zhou Jian. Easyhome chairman and CEO Wang Linpeng expected that more types of robots – such as those for housework, healthcare and gardening – would become integral to family life.
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Hot race for Pacific's deep sea mineral wealth
Hot race for Pacific's deep sea mineral wealth

Asia Times

time20 hours ago

  • Asia Times

Hot race for Pacific's deep sea mineral wealth

The seabed is legally designated as the 'common heritage of mankind,' but in practice, it has become a hotly contested frontier. This is exemplified by the Clarion-Clipperton Zone (CCZ), a vast expanse of international seabed located between Hawaii and Mexico rich in polymetallic nodules that contain critical minerals such as nickel, cobalt, copper, and manganese. These resources are more than mere commodities; they are vital components of national strategies for energy independence, technological leadership and strategic deterrence. Unlike land-based domains, where national borders delineate access, the seabed remains governed by a patchwork of international conventions and non-binding regulatory frameworks. This legal ambiguity, combined with the CCZ's sheer scale (approximately 4.5 million square kilometers), recasts geography as a determinant of power. Here, the terrain imposes its own rules: no nation can claim legal sovereignty, yet every technologically capable actor can exert functional control. The strategic function of the seabed lies not in symbolic possession, requiring engagement with multilateral bodies like the International Seabed Authority (ISA), but in continuous operational oversight enforced through submersibles, dredging platforms and state-backed maritime infrastructure. Through these instruments, nations could transform the legal status of the seabed from a global commons into de facto geopolitical claims, not to share, not to protect, but to secure. No rivalry illustrates the emerging dynamics of seabed geopolitics more vividly than that between the United States and China. These two powers approach deep-sea mining from fundamentally different institutional positions, strategic cultures and timelines. China, with its disciplined alignment of state power and long-term industrial planning, has embedded itself within ISA's multilateral framework. It holds more seabed exploration licenses than any other country and has cultivated influence within ISA rulemaking bodies. Chinese actors do not rely on rhetorical commitments to international law; instead, they utilize procedural participation as a mechanism to steer the outcome of regulatory frameworks. Their objective is clear: to shape the rules before they are finalized, ensuring that China's technological, legal and operational advantages are permanently encoded into the structure of global seabed governance. The US, in contrast, approaches the seabed from a structurally distinct position. Excluded from ISA by virtue of not ratifying the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the US has pivoted to a strategy of unilateralism, issuing domestic legal authorizations and executive directives to fast-track seabed mining. This approach reflects a response to structural vulnerability, namely, dependence on adversarial supply chains for critical minerals. Where China exerts slow, cumulative influence through institutional immersion, the US acts with urgency, deploying private capital and regulatory agility to compensate for its formal absence from multilateral governance. This creates a bifurcated architecture: China seeks to control the framework, while the US seeks to operate around it. Yet the underlying motive is the same: strategic insulation from resource dependence and competitive positioning in a rapidly hardening world order. Neither strategy is inherently more subversive, but each perceives the other as destabilizing. Thus, the arena of deep-sea governance becomes not a neutral venue for coordination but a contested space where procedural legitimacy and strategic autonomy collide. The Clarion-Clipperton Zone spans an area nearly equivalent to the contiguous US, lying beneath international waters between Hawaii and Mexico. It is home to the planet's richest known reserves of polymetallic nodules, mineral formations laden with cobalt, nickel, and manganese. What makes this zone strategic is not its legal status but its vast, flat and sediment-stable characteristics. It is ideally suited for industrial-scale extraction. The CCZ is administered by ISA, which has parceled the zone into discrete license blocks awarded to sponsoring states and corporate entities. On paper, this fragmentation allows for coordination and environmental oversight. In reality, it institutionalizes competition. Each block becomes a fiefdom of strategic value where companies and their state sponsors conduct exploration, environmental assessments and, soon, large-scale extraction. States and corporations with deep technological capabilities, including China, Canada (via The Metals Company), Belgium (GSR), and Norway (Loke), have already deployed robotic vehicles, data-gathering systems and prototype harvesting equipment in the CCZ. These activities are not speculative; they are strategic acts of presence. By maintaining operational continuity and exclusive data on their contract areas, these actors secure a level of control that resembles territorial influence, even in the absence of sovereignty. States with territorial assets proximate to the CCZ, such as France's Clipperton Island, gain further leverage by using these holdings as logistical hubs or jurisdictional springboards. Thus, the geography of deep-sea mining is simultaneously physical, institutional and infrastructural. It maps the extension of national strategy into an unbounded, submerged arena. Pacific Island nations occupy a pivotal yet precarious position in the geopolitical structure of deep-sea mining. These states are not themselves extractive powers, but their legal status as coastal states and ISA members renders them indispensable intermediaries in the resource acquisition strategies of others. Countries like the Cook Islands, Nauru and Tonga act as sponsor states for foreign companies, enabling exploration contracts under ISA rules. In exchange, they receive royalties, infrastructure aid, and diplomatic engagement. Yet the leverage they wield, rooted in legal procedure rather than material capacity, is increasingly fragile. As major powers deepen their technological reach and begin to act outside ISA frameworks, the value of these sponsorships diminishes. The internal divisions within the Pacific region, between those pursuing economic opportunity and those advocating environmental caution, further fracture the negotiating position of these states. 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The ecological consequences (destruction of benthic habitats, disruption of deep-ocean food chains, and disturbance of carbon sequestration processes) are well-documented yet remain politically unpriced. These effects unfold on spatial and temporal scales that transcend immediate accountability. Damage incurred in the hadal depths will not register in electoral cycles or quarterly earnings. This externalization of environmental costs is structurally embedded. States and corporations reap concentrated benefits (strategic minerals, technological primacy, economic gain), while the ecological liabilities are diffused across a global commons and deferred into an indeterminate future. The legal framework that will govern these activities, particularly ISA's provisional mining code, lacks both clarity and enforceability. In this vacuum, environmental safeguards function less as constraints than as negotiable instruments. Where conservation discourse exists, it is often instrumental. Calls for moratoriums or environmental safeguards serve as tools of diplomatic leverage or political differentiation rather than as expressions of systemic restraint. The logic of extraction, once engaged, prioritizes continuity; regulatory caution is outpaced by technological momentum. This is a structurally induced outcome of a system where access is governed less by rules than by capabilities. Control over seabed minerals is increasingly a function of who can act first, remain longest and extract most efficiently. Precedent supplants principle. The seabed will be shaped through deployments, licenses and machinery already descending into the depths. For states seeking mineral security and strategic autonomy, the calculus is clear: defer the ecological reckoning and secure the resource base now. Paulo Aguiar earned a master's degree in International Relations from NOVA University Lisbon, specializing in Realism, Classical Geopolitics and Strategy. As a professional in geopolitical risk analysis and strategic foresight, Paulo regularly shares his insights through various publications and on his own Substack.

Why Hong Kong is China's undisputed hub for global finance, at Shanghai's expense
Why Hong Kong is China's undisputed hub for global finance, at Shanghai's expense

South China Morning Post

timea day ago

  • South China Morning Post

Why Hong Kong is China's undisputed hub for global finance, at Shanghai's expense

When Yan Jun was looking around last year for a stock market to raise capital for his Beijing-based traffic-control software company, the engineer and chairman thought he was spoiled for choice. He could sell shares of his 10-year-old company AICT on one of the three mainland exchanges – Beijing, Shanghai and Shenzhen – that together make up the world's second-biggest capital market, with a combined value of US$10 trillion, according to Bloomberg data. Or he could raise capital offshore by selling shares in Hong Kong's nearly US$6.2 trillion market , the world's fourth-largest. New York – a welcoming possibility at first – lost its appeal early this year when US President Donald Trump unleashed a new wave of trade hostilities and animosity towards Chinese companies. In the end, the choice was clear: Hong Kong won because of its access to 'international capital and strong connectivity to global markets', Yan said. The city, where he earned his doctorate in business administration, would also be the launching pad for his business abroad, he added. AICT's products are used in sensing robots, intelligent traffic systems and autonomous driving. Photo: Handout Yan is not alone. Since the summer of 2024, a series of mainland companies have made similar calculations and turned to Hong Kong's stock exchange for capital infusions.

Hang Seng Index ends day on a weak note
Hang Seng Index ends day on a weak note

RTHK

time2 days ago

  • RTHK

Hang Seng Index ends day on a weak note

Hang Seng Index ends day on a weak note The Hang Seng Index ended trading for the day down 114 points at 23,792. File photo: AFP Hong Kong and mainland Chinese stocks ended slightly lower on Friday, as investors remained cautious after a call between President Xi Jinping and his US counterpart, Donald Trump, failed to provide clear signals of progress in easing trade tensions. Trump and Xi confronted weeks of brewing trade tensions and a battle over critical minerals in a rare leader-to-leader call on Thursday, leaving key issues unresolved for future talks. "If you look at the conversation between the Chinese and US presidents, there's nothing concrete that's positive. So little impact on stocks," said Guo Jianwen, partner at Shanghai-based hedge fund Haiyi Capital. In Hong Kong, the benchmark Hang Seng Index ended trading for the day down 114.43 points, or 0.48 percent, at 23,792.54. The Hang Seng China Enterprises Index fell 0.63 percent to end at 8,629.75 while the Hang Seng Tech Index fell 0.63 percent to end at 5,286.52. Across the border, the blue-chip CSI300 Index fell 0.1 percent. The benchmark Shanghai Composite Index ended up 0.04 percent at 3,385.36, while the Shenzhen Component Index closed 0.19 percent lower at 10,183.70. The ChiNext Index, tracking China's Nasdaq-style board of growth enterprises, lost 0.45 percent to close at 2,039.43. For the holiday-shortened week, the CSI 300 Index gained nearly 1 percent, while the Hang Seng Index rose 2.2 percent. (Agencies)

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