
In Madhya Pradesh, a village long associated with crime is now producing doctors
On April 28, police set up a surrender camp at Kadiya Sansi, a village deep inside Madhya Pradesh's Rajgarh district, at the end of which over 80 villagers, many with long-standing criminal records, turned themselves in. The event wasn't anything out of the ordinary for a village that's dominated by the Sansi community, a historically marginalised people who are caught in a relentless cycle of crime and state retribution.
When Mohan Yadav took over as chief minister, he had laid emphasis on bringing these villagers to the main stream. Since then, a quiet change has taken over Kadiya Sansi — of the village's 1,000-odd residents, at least 25 are doctors and over a dozen youth are enrolled in medical colleges across the state. 'We were once known as thieves. Now, our village has become known for its doctors,' says Rahul Sisodia, 27, a doctor from the village.
Preparing for his postgraduate medical entrance exams, Rahul was born into a family that clawed its way out of poverty. His grandfather, a farmer, sold his land to educate his five children. While two of them stayed back to farm, the rest became the first generation of white-collar professionals in the family — a bank manager and two government teachers.
'My father, a government school teacher, realised early on that education was the only way out. He sold his six bighas to educate both my brother and me. He sent me to a hostel 15 km away to keep me away from crime. I didn't understand his reasons back then but I do now,' says Sisodia.
Before turning his focus to medicine, Sisodia played volleyball at the national level. Crediting his teachers who 'chose to see his potential over his caste and address', he says discrimination is still rampant in the village. 'Some schools denied admission to children from our village. I had to fight to get them admitted,' he says.
His cousin Chetan Sisodia, 29, a radiologist at a government medical college in Vidisha, says he took a loan of Rs 30 lakh to complete his degree. 'We were all first-generation learners. There was no one to guide us. We just had to figure it out,' he says.
Dr Chetan Sisodia says he has no illusions about the stigma still attached to their community. 'You can literally smell the discrimination in the room. It's obvious in how people look at you, how they talk. When someone in our village does something wrong, the police punish everyone. My cousins were booked in criminal cases. I decided to keep away so as not to risk my own career,' he says.
His cousin Rohan Sisodia, 22, is in his final year of MBBS at a government medical college in Vidisha. Rohan says his parents shielded him from the village 'to keep him out of trouble'.
Dr Vishal Sisodia, another cousin, heads the community health centre at Khilchipur, around 70 km from Kadiya Sansi. 'I studied under a peepal tree and repeated Class 6. My teachers wrote me off. Luckily, I shifted to Bhopal, then to Indore, for coaching.'
Residents credit Dr R C Sisodia, a retired director with the Central Health Services, with bringing about the change in the 1980s.
'I targeted those selling alcohol and women, and those involved in theft. I rescued 39 women from Mumbai, Delhi and Kolkata — all sold into prostitution — and brought them home. We arranged their weddings in this very village,' he recalls.
Dr R C Sisodia also helped set up community committees, lobbied state and central ministers, and secured loans so families could buy livestock and start afresh.
'As our incomes grew, people started shunning crime. He was our messiah,' says former sarpanch Padam Singh, adding, 'You won't find another village like ours. We have crime, but we also have MBBS degrees on our walls.'
Despite the infrastructure gaps — the village lacks a hospital, has unreliable power supply and its water tank, built two years ago, is yet to see a single drop of water — there have been other changes too.
Agriculture remains the economic backbone, with farmers growing soya, chickpeas, wheat, onion, sorghum and pearl millet, harvesting a yield of nearly 30 quintals. Many supplement their earnings with seasonal labour work, earning nearly Rs 60,000 during the harvest season, besides taking advantage of Central and state welfare schemes to keep afloat.
Many village women are a part of local self-help groups, while young men have enrolled in vocational training programmes like plumbing, electrical work and farming. Over 250 residents from the community are doing high-skilled private and government jobs. Around 25 have become doctors, 15 are in the police force and at least 100 are school teachers.
Though nearly every family in the village has at least one government employee (teachers, doctors, clerks and police personnel), literacy rates are up and school dropout rates down, the locals know they are just one arrest away from losing it all. 'One mistake by one person, and the police round up the entire family,' says Dr Rahul Sisodia's father.
Scrolling through the photo gallery on his smartphone, he stops on one showing a man with a bleeding leg. 'My brother was shot during a police raid. I was once picked up from school for questioning. The stigma sticks,' he says, pointing to the photo.
Despite being Dr R C Sisodia's grandson, Dr Vishal Sisodia says he walks on eggshells when he returns to Kadiya Sansi. 'A young man preparing for MBBS was recently picked up by the police. He's in judicial custody now. His future is gone. I too was named in an FIR over a village dispute earlier but managed to escape because the other party confirmed that I wasn't around,' he says.
The only school in Kadiya Sansi has classes till Class 8. For higher education, most children walk several kilometres or shift to towns like Pachhore. The brightest, if they can afford it, move on to coaching hubs in Bhopal, Indore, Guna or Kota.
Laxmi Sisodia, a primary school teacher, says, 'Our aim is to ensure that children don't drop out of school. If that happens, they will turn to crime.'
Dr R C Sisodia, who admits to being 'out of touch' with the village 'for the last five to six years', says he has heard that alcohol is being sold in the village) again. 'People are slipping up. Our only hope is that the education revolution kicks off. We need a steady flow of doctors to inspire others,' he says.
His comment is not unfounded. At local kirana shops, bottles of whiskey are sold along with lentils and shampoo sachets. However, education seems to have done wonders for at least one family in the village.
At Boda police station, around 10 km from Kadiya Sansi village, a senior officer is glued to his walkie-talkie to collect intelligence from three crime-prone villages nearby.
'Earlier, we would send 10 police teams. Now, just one goes,' he says, scanning the reports. 'The nature of crime has changed — it's mostly bag lifting at weddings. They (the accused) dress well, blend in and vanish with the valuables. After the wedding season, they move on to other targets.'
The crime might appear petty, but the scale is organised, he says. Though only a fraction of villagers are directly involved in theft, the fallout affects everyone.
Sarpanch Mor Singh says, 'Just 5% of the people doing all this (theft) but the police book the whole family if one person gets caught. Everyone gets painted with the same brush.'
In 2023, officials from 460 police stations across India visited Rajgarh in connection with criminal cases tied to Kadiya Sansi. In 2024, that number rose to 557.
Dharmendra Sharma, thana incharge, justifies the broad sweep, 'When we go to make an arrest, the village starts throwing stones. We have to book the others to maintain order. Around 25% of the village is still into theft.'
The police have countered this with an aggressive geotagging and profiling exercise: every known accused's address, family tree, mobile number, known aliases and criminal associate are mapped.
Technology has become integral to enforcement. Officers now rely on an all-India WhatsApp group of police stations that track suspects' movements across state lines — particularly during peak wedding seasons. Recovery of stolen goods is strict. 'Even if it has to come from the accused's pocket, we ensure full recovery. No one leaves custody until every rupee is returned.'

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Indian Express
35 minutes ago
- Indian Express
The real cause of delays in district courts
The popular narrative regarding delays in India's district courts has been one of resource crunch. As per this narrative, an inadequate number of judges and insufficient funding are responsible for the sorry state of affairs. Fix these, and the problem of judicial delays would be solved, we are told. But these claims need closer scrutiny. Proponents of this narrative often cite a shortage of anywhere between 5,000 judges to 70,000 judges at the level of district courts. The claim that India is short of 70,000 judges, when the sanctioned strength of the district judiciary is currently at 25,771 judges, is based on a thoroughly discredited methodology of calculating the required number of judges as per the population of the country. Despite three expert committee reports discrediting this methodology, it continues to be cited quite frequently. On the issue of judicial vacancies at the level of the district judiciary — the most recent data provided to Parliament keeps it at 5,292 judges — more context is required. To begin with, the sanctioned strength of the district judiciary has tripled since the late 1980s, from 7,675 to 25,771 judges. Thus, even though there are vacancies, the overall number of judges has expanded. More importantly, a significant volume of complex litigation has been transferred from the dockets of the district courts to institutions like the Debt Recovery Tribunal (DRT), National Company Law Tribunal (NCLT) and consumer forums. Similarly, on the issue of underfunding for the judiciary, critics often overlook the substantial allocations made by the Union Government in the last two decades — more than Rs. 12,000 crore — to improve the physical and digital infrastructure of the district courts. In addition, the 13th Finance Commission had recommended a grant of Rs. 5,000 crore for the judiciary, most of which remained unspent. These are substantial numbers given that India has around 20,000 judges staffing the district courts across India. Long story short, despite substantially increasing the number of judges and funding, while diverting cases to new judicial forums, the delay in the disposal of cases before district courts remains a consistent problem. Against this backdrop, we would like to offer a new theory to explain judicial delays before the district courts. Our theory has three components. The first component is the manner in which the High Courts discipline the judges staffing the district courts. Unlike the judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts, who can be impeached only by Parliament on grounds of misbehaviour or incapacity, judges of the district courts are subject to the same disciplinary rules as the civil bureaucracy in the state. The only difference is that these disciplinary rules are administered by the judges of the High Courts instead of the state government. The track record of High Courts in conducting disciplinary inquiries into the conduct of judges is woeful. There have been cases where district judges have been dismissed for being too generous in granting compensation in land acquisition cases or granting bail too frequently, despite no evidence of bribery or other misconduct. Simply put, judges of the district courts are being disciplined for perceived legal errors. This does not happen anywhere else in the world since legal errors are meant to be corrected via the appellate courts. Even when there are allegations of misconduct, such as corruption or bribery, the inquiries have a certain Kafkaesque flavour since the HCs regularly permit hearsay evidence by witnesses with no personal knowledge. As a result, there have been cases, like that of District Judge K Ganesan, who was dismissed from the judicial service based solely on rumours and gossip. Dismissing a review petition filed by the Judge, the Madras High Court ruled, quite astonishingly, that charges of bribery cannot be ignored even in the absence of 'direct evidence' since finding 'direct evidence is a Herculean task.' That these disciplinary inquiries are conducted behind closed doors, with HCs refusing to disclose inquiry reports under the RTI Act even after proceedings are concluded, does little to build confidence in the system. The result of such a Kafkaesque disciplinary framework is that it compromises the ability of district judges to decide cases freely without worrying about a backlash in the form of an opaque and unfair disciplinary inquiry. This worry then translates into a reluctance to hear cases perceived as 'risky', or alternatively, they may hesitate to grant certain risky remedies like bail in controversial cases. The second component is how HCs assess the performance of the district judiciary. Each HC has devised a 'unit system', which lays down certain disposal targets for judges of the district judiciary. Under this system, judges are expected to decide a certain number of cases in a quarter or a year, and in addition, they are also awarded a predetermined number of 'units' for each judicial task they complete towards disposing of a case. The number of units then contributes to their overall rating for the year, which in turn can determine their promotions, postings and whether they can be 'compulsorily retired', without cause, when they cross certain milestone ages. One of the many problems with this 'unit' based system is that it does not factor in time or complexity of different judicial tasks. For example, a judge gets the same number of units for presiding over a cross-examination of a witness, no matter the time spent on the cross-examination. Similarly, a judge gets the same number of units for the disposal of a certain category of cases regardless of the complexity of individual cases within that category. The inevitable result of such a performance system based on quantifying work is that it can be easily gamed by judges, who now have an incentive to pick and choose easy cases in order to meet their targets, at the expense of delaying complicated or risky cases. The third component is the phenomenon of the 'revolving docket'. Unlike in most other countries, where a case remains on the docket of a single judge, the district judiciary has a revolving docket due to a policy of transfer of judges within states and also within districts. This policy ensures that a case revolves between dockets of different judges since cases remain in the same court while judges get transferred. This 'revolving docket' increases inefficiencies as cases remain partially heard, while also letting the judges pick and choose the easiest cases in order to avoid disciplinary inquiries and earn 'units' necessary to secure a good rating. As long as the 'revolving docket' exists, it will be impossible to hold any single judge accountable for delays in disposing of a case. Reorienting the public debate on reforms to these issues of judicial governance and away from the resource crunch narrative will be crucial in tackling the root of the problem of delays in India's district courts. The writers are lawyers. Tareekh Pe Justice: Reforms for India's District Courts is their latest book


New Indian Express
an hour ago
- New Indian Express
Huzurabad BRS MLA's plea in extortion case rejected
Justice K Lakshman of the Telangana High Court has dismissed a petition filed by Huzurabad MLA Padi Kaushik Reddy seeking to quash an extortion case registered against him by Subedari police in Warangal district. The case is based on a complaint by Katta Uma Devi, who alleged that the BRs leader had earlier extorted Rs 25 lakh from her husband and, on April 18, demanded an additional Rs 50 lakh over the phone. She also submitted mobile numbers allegedly used in the communication. Meanwhile, Kaushik Reddy's counsel argued that the case was politically motivated to tarnish the MLA's image. However, the prosecution contended there was sufficient prima facie evidence of threat and extortion. After hearing both sides and reviewing the case records, the court rejected the MLA's plea and also vacated an earlier interim order that had restrained police from arresting him.


New Indian Express
an hour ago
- New Indian Express
Congress government committed to farmer welfare: Telangana Dy CM Bhatti
HYDERABAD: Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka reiterated the Congress government's commitment to farmers' welfare despite criticism from BRS leaders. Speaking at the Rythu Nestham programme, Vikramarka said the government had faced several challenges but had remained steadfast in assisting farmers. 'We have faced all sorts of challenges and have stood by farmers,' he said. Vikramarka alleged that BRS leaders were attempting to malign the government. 'While this government is providing help and cooperation to the people, BRS leaders are burning with jealousy. Even BRS leaders themselves have admitted their party is filled with evil spirits. Today, these spirits are making a spectacle. Chase them away, don't allow them into your villages,' he said. He outlined the government's vision for the agricultural sector, expressing hope that farmers would prosper and that crops would flourish. He assured that new welfare schemes would be introduced in the coming months. Vikramarka stressed that the Congress government had not discontinued any welfare scheme introduced by the previous regime and was implementing additional programmes aimed at supporting farmers. He pointed out that within three to four months of taking office, the government had deposited Rs 21,000 crore under the farmer loan waiver scheme, an initiative unmatched by any other state.