ANC says it worked hard to reverse the damaging legacy of apartheid through legislation
JOHANNESBURG - The African National Congress (ANC) said that it has worked to reverse the damaging legacy of apartheid through legislation since the dawn of democracy.
Marking 31 years since South Africa's first democratic elections in 1994, the party said that it made significant progress in improving lives, from universal healthcare and access to education, to language equality and land redistribution.
ANC Spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu-Motsiri said that he journey toward building a united and democratic nation came at a heavy cost, including the loss of life.
She said that those sacrifices paved the way for peaceful negotiations, inspired by the Harare Declaration, and ultimately led to the birth of South Africa's democracy.
"On this day, 27 April 1994, South Africa witnessed a democratic breakthrough. Standing before the nation to the envy of the international community comrade Nelson Mandela the first president of the democratic South Africa, said I quote, 'the sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement. "
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
National Dialogue — Promising concept or an illusion of progress for SA?
President Cyril Ramaphosa's announcement on Tuesday night of a National Convention to start a National Dialogue is clearly meant to get South Africans talking to each other about solving our problems. Be careful what you wish for. At face value the concept of a national dialogue has much to recommend it. We are clearly in deep trouble, and many of our problems appear to be getting worse. The national coalition government appears to have made little progress, our economy is barely stuttering, and the number of people who are unemployed, or under-employed, continues to rise no matter how you define it. And of course, as President Cyril Ramaphosa pointed out, there is our history of a negotiated settlement that ended apartheid. A settlement that is still blamed today for some of our serious problems. All of that said, there are some important questions to ask about the wisdom of this idea. Firstly, very few leaders give up any power voluntarily. Ramaphosa, as leader of the ANC, is appearing to give the impression that the ANC will accept whatever settlement is reached through this process. But at the same time, the ANC will not, easily at least, be able to veto any settlement. This is hugely significant. For the conspiratorially minded, it may even suggest that he has accepted that the ANC will never actually have a large amount of state power again. For some, it could even suggest he has very little faith in whoever will replace him as leader of the ANC. And it certainly reminds us that he has failed to enact a new 'social compact', something he has promised since before he was even elected leader of the ANC. Different agenda However, Ramaphosa might actually have a slightly different agenda. Calls for this national dialogue have been growing for several years. For a long time people called for an 'Economic Codesa', to allow different role players in the economy to sit down and work out how to grow our economy. The person who has been the loudest in his calls for this event is former president Thabo Mbeki. It is interesting then that his foundation, and the foundations of other former presidents, have not been included in the list of people who are supposed to be guiding the process. It must be said that including Mbeki, in any form, is unlikely to be constructive. He has shown that he appears focused on protecting his own legacy. His conduct in the case of the Cradock Four families, in which he opposed an inquiry into the non-prosecution of those denied amnesty by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, suggests a very personal motivation. To claim that his character is ' priceless ' in the face of questions from the families about why the government he led did not prosecute those who killed their fathers and husbands appears to defy rationality. The sheer number of people involved is also interesting. Thirty-one people are included on Ramaphosa's Eminent Persons Group from the most incredibly diverse role is to guide and champion the National Dialogue. While there are business leaders and unionists (none of them are current, but they include Bobby Godsell and Bheki Ntshalintshali) there is also a rugby captain (you know the one), a mountaineer (Sibusiso Vilane), a rocket scientist, a storyteller, the chair of the National Planning Commission (Professor Tinyiko Maluleke), both Bishop Barnabas Lekganyane and Bishop Engenas Lekganyane (representing different strands of the Zion Christian Church), one Anglican Archbishop, an actor (John Kani), a football coach (Desiree Ellis) a former Constitutional Court Judge (Edwin Cameron) and Miss South Africa (Mia le Roux may in fact be there not to represent beauty pageant winners, but as a person who grew up deaf, representing people living with disabilities). While there is much wisdom on this list, it is also not clear what value some others may bring. Impossible position And they have now been placed in an impossible position. It would be hard to say no to the Presidency, and yet now they are going to be asked questions about their views on our politics. Someone like Siya Kolisi, almost universally respected, may find this hugely uncomfortable. Like singers and actors who have made political comments, he has no experience in making trade-offs and has no constituency to protect. Now they will be thrust into the harsh glare of our political spotlight. But this list is also curious because of who is left out. Some ancient schisms, such as that in the Zion Christian Church, are recognised, while others, such as that in the Christian church, are not. There is an Anglican representative but not a Catholic one. Perhaps more importantly, no one appears to represent that most under-represented group in our politics, those who have no job and no income. This gets to the heart of one of our economic problems: organised groups that represent people who are unemployed, such as the Unemployed Peoples Movement, are often left out of the conversation and thus they have very little voice in our society. Huge omission That said, it is a huge omission. It should also be noted that the sheer size of this committee may in fact be an attempt to make sure that nothing is done, that no agreement is reached on anything. This might well be the ruse of an experienced politician, who knows that putting so many people in a room, from so many different parts of our society, will simply result in endless arguments. Technically, this is supposed to result in a bottom-up approach, where people will be given the chance to speak in different parts of the country. On paper, this is inherently democratic. In practice, it can lead to undemocratic outcomes, as the most organised and the loudest voices can overwhelm the debate. And our institutions have shown time and time again that public consultation can be ignored. For years energy regulator Nersa has held public hearings before deciding whether to increase electricity prices. Despite so many people publicly opposing tariff increases, power prices have risen by more than 653% since 2007 (inflation during that time was 129%). Economic reality The reason Nersa did that, despite hearing from so many people who opposed it, was because of economic reality. Eskom needed the money. Public consultation is very often about hearing what people want. Making decisions is about what is possible. Nersa has understood that (Eskom has often complained it has not increased prices enough) and thus had to ignore the public comments. This is why bodies like Nersa are given legal authority to make decisions. They can force people to accept the outcome. This process will have nothing like that. It is also a fallacy to think that getting people in a room together will result in them getting closer. Yes, it can happen. But it can also lead to heightened tensions. During the Codesa talks, the stakes were so incredibly high that very few people were prepared to use violence. The one group that was, the right-wing AWB, eventually used an armoured car to disrupt the talks. But their support was tiny and measured in the hundreds. There are now people in our society who publicly oppose our Constitution and have used violence in the past. One of them, Jacob Zuma, won the support of nearly 2.3 million people in last year's election. He will surely demand to be a part of this process. Incentive Also, before 1994 all of the parties involved knew there would be an election after the process. As a result there was an incentive to appear to be constructive. No such incentive will be present in this situation. Currently, one of the great divides in our politics is between parties and constituencies that support the Constitution, and parties and constituencies that don't. This process of a National Dialogue risks giving those who oppose the Constitution, in all sorts of ways, a much louder voice. Imagine, for example, the separatist voices in our society, those who want independence for the Zulu Kingdom, or those who identify as Afrikaners, or who believe the Western Cape really is different to Mzansi, working together to dominate the process. Also, considering how our politics is in the process of fracturing, creating more parties representing more diverse constituencies, the result could just be a cacophony of voices, making it difficult to come to any conclusion at all. It is true that South Africa is in a difficult, and sometimes dangerous position. As Ramaphosa himself said, in his eulogy for Winnie Madikizela-Mandela in 2018: 'We must acknowledge that we are a society that is hurting, damaged by our past, numbed by our present and hesitant about our future.' He was entirely correct. The history of South Africa, so violent and oppressive, has created deep scars. And thus deep tensions. Sometimes our society can almost look like the most complicated knot of different types of string. When you pull it, you might be able to make sense of it all. Maybe.
Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
‘This is about growth' — fiscal framework sails through National Assembly
The 2025 fiscal framework and revenue proposals were adopted by both Houses of Parliament on Wednesday, nearly four months after the first planned attempt to table a Budget. Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana says it's now up to MPs to exercise their oversight and make sure the Budget is spent correctly. After a protracted process, South Africa is one step closer to finally passing a Budget after both Houses of Parliament approved the fiscal framework on Wednesday — but not without the usual party political jabs. Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana told the sitting, 'We have had a painful journey to arrive at this date, where the fiscal framework is being approved. It has been a painful journey. Definitely, from the [perspective of the National Treasury] we have drawn a number of lessons. 'But I suspect, also members of this House must draw a number of lessons as to how in practice we are going to manage the debates around the fiscal framework moving forward.' Godongwana said it was up to MPs to ensure the Budget was spent correctly. 'You can't fault this Budget — if it's not spent properly, that's your duty as members of Parliament to do your oversight,' he said. He was responding directly to a point made by National Coloured Congress MP Fadiel Adams about allocations within the Budget and how they could be spent. 'That should be the concern of this moment,' said Godongwana, who, since February, had attempted to pass a Budget. On Wednesday, 268 MPs voted in favour of the fiscal framework, while 88 were against it and two abstained. The ANC and the DA voted in favour of it. The MK party and the EFF voted against it, while Build One South Africa (Bosa) abstained from voting. Bosa's deputy leader, MP Nobuntu Hlazo-Webster, said the party had abstained because it was 'not a Budget that we can support. 'It's a Budget that is still not a good Budget in any way. It is still a Budget that ultimately punishes South Africans for the sins of the ANC,' she said. 'We absolutely want to see more catalysts for economic growth in the Budget… We gave alternatives — we proposed alternatives — that could look different for income generation for the state versus actually burdening South Africans further.' Hlazo-Webster said the National Treasury had not considered any of Bosa's proposals on income generation in the Budget. 'Ultimately, what this means is that the ANC's not listening to the people,' she said. 'This is still a very tax-heavy Budget, it's a stagnant budget. It's a Budget that doesn't speak to how [to] grow South Africa's economy. 'Shared vision of cooperation' The fiscal framework is a key step in the budgeting process; it establishes economic policy and revenue projections and sets the overall limits to government spending. This report must be adopted within 16 days from when Godongwana tables the Budget. The next phase in the budgeting process is the passing of various Bills, including the consideration and adoption of the Division of Revenue Bill and the Appropriation Bill. The ANC and the DA found common ground in Parliament's Standing Committee on Finance last week, both voting for the committee to adopt the framework report, Daily Maverick reported. Only the EFF and MK party rejected the report. When asked whether the ANC and DA — South Africa's two biggest parties — had now found each other after their previous public disagreements over the Budget, DA spokesperson Karabo Khakhau said: 'We've always maintained if we're agreeing on something and we're getting along and there is a shared vision of cooperation, then it would be easy for us to be able to pass through hurdles like the one of the fiscal framework now. 'The point of contention in the past that we've had, we've been able to deal with, so that's why there's a more open approach towards engagements, and that's what we've always wanted.' Khakhau said the party had wanted to see that issues of waste expenditure, ghost employees and infrastructure investment were being addressed. 'At the heart of why the DA is in the GNU is to make sure that we're able to grow the economy to alleviate poverty and make sure that people have jobs,' she said. Politics across the aisle On Wednesday, politics did not stop as the framework was passed, and the National Assembly Speaker, Thoko Didiza, had to call several MPs and political parties to order during the discussion. A loud cheer of 'weekend special' was heard from the ANC caucus when MK party spokesperson on finance, Des van Rooyen, spoke — in reference to his weekend stint as finance minister. When the Patriotic Alliance's Ashley Sauls spoke in favour of the report, MK party and Economic Freedom Fighters MPs shouted 'Free Palestine' in reference to the party visiting Israel for a ' fact-finding ' mission amidst Israel's ongoing assault on Gaza. ActionSA's Alan Beesley said he was 'proud' of the role his party played in the VAT hike reversal. From the DA seats, one MP shouted: 'No deal this time around, Beesley'. The EFF also tried to claim victory for the reversal. DM
TimesLIVE
4 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Higher education minister keeps up stonewalling on 'SETA panel'
Higher education and training minister Nobuhle Nkabane continues to dig in her heels over the submission to parliament of the names of the 'independent selection panel' she relied on to make controversial appointments to SETA boards last month. Nkabane had until the close of business on Wednesday to submit records and minutes of the meeting of the 'independent panel' that she says advised on the appointments of the chairpersons of Sector Education and Training Authorities that she was last month ordered to reverse by the presidency. But at the eleventh-hour on Wednesday, it emerged that Nkabane wrote a letter dated June 10 to Tebego Letsie, an ANC MP who chairs the portfolio committee on higher education, asking that the June 10 deadline be extended by a further 20 days, to June 20. The higher education committee had given her the deadline of June 11 last week after she refused to disclose the names and full details of her 'independent panel' at a heated meeting, with Nkabane citing the Protection of Personal Information Act. Nkabane landed in hot water several weeks ago after it emerged that she had appointed controversial and politically connected people to chair the boards of the SETAs. Among them were Buyambo Mantashe, the son of minerals minister Gwede Mantashe who was once deputised by Nkabane in that portfolio. Also on the controversial list were former KZN premier Nomusa Ncube-Dube, former KZN MEC Mike Mabuyakhulu and Johannesburg MMC Loyiso Masuku. The move has pitted Nkabane against President Cyril Ramaphosa, who first ordered her to withdraw the names and most recently also asked her to submit a report to him on the matter. Sources in the higher echelons are adamant that Nkabane's stonewalling on this issue is slowly catching up with her and she will soon run out of options, with some casting doubt on the existence of the 'independent selection panel'. In her letter to Letsie, which has since been shared with all members of the higher education committee, she placed on 'record and confirm my full intention to comply with the portfolio committee's request'. Again citing the POPIA and the Promotion of Access to Information Act, Nkabane said she needed more time to ensure that the information she was preparing to send to parliament would be disclosed in a lawful manner. She told her oversight committee that she had been 'assured that I am legally permitted to disclosed the panellists' details in a lawful manner'. 'For these reasons and in acknowledgment of the panellists' rights to privacy, I have written to each of the members of the selection and evaluation panel and advised them of my intention to comply with the portfolio committee's request. 'However, it remains unlikely that my engagements with them will be completed by the 11 June 2025 deadline. In the circumstances, and to allow the panel members an opportunity to respond to my letter or exercise whatever right they may have, I request an extension of the deadline to 30 June 2025.' The higher education committee was expected to discuss its response to Nkabane's deadline request in the coming days.
