
Only Communists aspire for peace of global humanity
Vijayawada: CPI State Secretary K Ramakrishna stated that only the Communists aspire for a world without wars, where humanity can live peacefully. He attributed the root cause of wars to imperialism, the dominance of arms, and conspiracies aimed at controlling the resources of smaller nations. He was speaking at a meeting organised by the Indian Society for Cultural Cooperation and Friendship (ISCAF) and the CPI NTR District Committee on Friday at Dasari Bhavan here to mark 80 years since the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany in World War II. The event focused on preventing global wars and addressing the failure of rulers to curb religious extremist forces.
As the main speaker, Ramakrishna noted that in recent terrorist attacks in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, 25 tourists lost their lives. He highlighted that not only Pakistani Muslims but also Muslims and Muslim political parties in India unequivocally condemned the attacks. He described it as a positive development that the Indian military conducted operations against terrorist bases in the region in response, but cautioned that the Pakistani government is exploiting the conflict for its gain.
CPI City Secretary Donepudi Sankar and retired ANU professor C Narasinga Rao shared their experiences of touring and studying in the Soviet Union during their student days. They recalled that millions of soldiers and civilians perished in the war led by Stalin against Nazi Germany. They noted that schoolchildren in Russia sing prayers to prevent such wars from recurring. They also mentioned that Stalin remained unshaken even after his son was killed in the war.
Divi Kumar, president of Janasahiti, stated that in any war, it is ordinary citizens who suffer the most. He emphasised that wars are never fought between people but are orchestrated by imperialist nations to dominate smaller countries.
AP Mahila Samakhya State General Secretary Penmatsa Durgabhavani, CPI NTR District Assistant Secretary Buddi Ramesh, City Assistant Secretary Lanka Durgarao, ISCAF District Secretary Motukuri Arun Kumar, and Buddhavarapu Venkatrao also participated.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New Indian Express
14 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Ex-backward classes panel chief dies
CHENNAI: Condoling the demise of retired judge and former chairman of Tamil Nadu Backward Classes Commission SM Janardanam (89) due to illness on Friday, CM MK Stalin announced that his final rites would take place with police honours. In his message, Stalin recalled that as a judge of the Madras HC, Justice Janardanam gave several historical judgments between 1988 and 1998. He was appointed as chairman of the TBCC in 2006 and continued in the post till 2015. The CM said based on his recommendations, reservation for Muslims, Christians and Arunthathiyars were implemented in TN. 'Justice Janardanam made a deep impact in the history of social justice in TN, and his death is an irreparable loss,' Stalin added. PMK president Anbumani Ramadoss and Dravidar Kazhagam president K Veeramani were among those who condoled the demise of Justice Janardanam.


Hindustan Times
28 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Govt launches portal for Waqf properties
The Union government on Friday launched the Unified Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency, and Development (UMEED) portal, a centralised platform aimed at creating a digital inventory all Waqf properties, with minority affairs minister Kiren Rijiju calling it a 'historic' move that would ensure Waqf assets are utilised effectively and fairly for poor Muslims. 'The UMEED portal will add a new chapter in the history of Waqf property management and administration in India. It will not only bring transparency but will also help the common Muslims, particularly women and children,' Rijiju said after launching the portal. He was accompanied by minister of state for minority affairs George Kurian. Calling it a historic step, Rijiju emphasised that the UMEED central portal — developed by the ministry of minority affairs — is more than just a technological upgrade. 'It is a symbol of the government's firm commitment to safeguarding the rights of minority communities and ensuring that community-owned Waqf assets are utilised effectively and fairly, for the poor Muslims, for whom, it was originally meant,' the Union minister said. The central portal, named after the eponymous UMEED Act of 1995, is intended to streamline the management of Waqf properties, ensure real-time data collection, and provide open access to verified information. It also aims to improve greater transparency, accountability, and public participation, officials familiar with the matter said, adding that all Waqf properties across the country are required to be registered on the portal within six months from the date of launch. Rijiju said that all state waqf board representatives, who participated in the portal launch virtually, have been informed to keep the six-month deadline in mind, while pointing out that not adhering to the same would cause additional delays and 'trouble' for the ministry. Registrations will be carried out by the respective state Waqf boards. Properties that remain unregistered beyond the deadline, and extension, if any, will be classified as disputed and referred to the Waqf tribunal, officials said. Ministry of minority affairs secretary Chandra Shekhar Kumar said the UMEED portal will mandate submission of official documents for registering a Waqf property, aiming to prevent the inclusion of 'illegal or encroached' land. For properties lacking such documentation, he added, the mutawalli will be required to approach the waqf tribunal for verification. Notably, the portal also includes a field that asks whether the waqf property is located on government land. 'Since land is a state subject, it will ultimately be up to the state government to confirm or deny whether the land in question is indeed waqf,' Kumar told HT. The portal launch comes in the backdrop of the enactment of the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025, on April 5 this year. Several petitions challenging the constitutional validity of the Waqf Act are pending before the Supreme Court. The development comes a day after the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) opposed the launch of the portal in view of the petitions against the Waqf law being pending before the apex court. Rijiju, however, said, 'I hope the court recognises that this is a landmark law, and it has now been enacted. The opposition must accept this fact and cooperate with the government to ensure smooth implementation. As for the Waqf rules, it is a natural process—we are actively working on it.' According to the guidelines, properties must be registered with detailed descriptions including dimensions, ownership documents, and geotagged locations. Properties recorded under the names of women will not be eligible to be declared as Waqf. Ministry secretary Kumar said that women, children, and economically weaker sections will be among the primary beneficiaries of Waqf assets. The portal generates a 17-digit unique identification number for each property. It features dropdown-based structured data input, integration with GIS mapping and e-Governance tools, and an online grievance redressal mechanism. Public users will have access to basic property information. A three-tier user verification process has been instituted. The 'Maker' is a mutawalli or an authorised person of the Waqf Board who will initiate data entry. The 'Checker' is a district-level officer or a designated official to verify the data. The 'Approver' is the CEO or another officer authorised by the State or UT Waqf Board who will grant final approval. All data on the portal will be governed by existing data protection and privacy regulations. A toll-free helpline has been made available for technical assistance and support.


Hans India
38 minutes ago
- Hans India
Patriotism vs posturing: The real battle for Bihar has begun
Operation Sindoor has upended Bihar's political terrain, transforming a routine electoral fight into a high-stakes clash between unapologetic patriotism and political posturing. Prime Minister Modi's fiery rhetoric and nationalistic messaging have struck a deep chord in a state where voters rever military might and national pride. As Nitish Kumar fades and Chirag Paswan eyes the future, the NDA's internal unity remains its biggest challenge—and greatest opportunity. The INDIA bloc, still fumbling with mixed messages and confused alliances, risks alienating key constituencies, especially in rural and border areas. With women voters, youth, and even sections of Muslims responding to nationalism, old caste calculations are no longer enough. Populist promises from Tejaswi Yadav may grab headlines, but it is the emotion unleashed by Sindoor that could sway ballots. The 2025 Bihar election isn't just about power—it's a referendum on identity, vision, and the nation's soul Operation Sindoor has redrawn the political battlefield of Bihar. What was once a predictable clash of caste-based alliances is now being recast as a confrontation between nationalism and perceived political opportunism. The upcoming assembly elections are no longer just about governance—they're about identity, pride, and clarity of purpose. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 'Chun Chun ke Marenge' declaration from Bihar and his recent references to how the Sindoor of Indian women turned into a missile against Pakistan have reignited patriotic fervour. For the NDA, this surge of nationalism is a potential game-changer. In a state where voters respond powerfully to military heroism and national security, the INDIA bloc's hesitation, silence, or criticism of Operation Sindoor may be seen as a betrayal, especially in rural and semi-urban constituencies. But sentiment alone won't win an election. The NDA still has a complicated internal equation to manage. The BJP's prospects depend significantly on maintaining unity and clarity of leadership. Nitish Kumar, once a towering figure in Bihar's politics, now finds himself on the back foot. His popularity has dropped to around 18%, his public appearances are rare, and his gaffes have only fuelled speculation about his fitness to continue. The opposition mocks him as the 'Bimar CM of a BIMARU state.' This vacuum creates an opportunity for a new generation of leadership. Bihar's youth, increasingly politically aware and aspirational, particularly those eyeing defence and government jobs, are inclined towards parties with a strong nationalistic and development-oriented image. This makes the BJP's potential promotion of Chirag Paswan a tantalising prospect. Paswan has declared his intent to shift focus from national to state politics, hinting at a possible leadership transition post-election. But declaring a CM face now could create tensions with Nitish's JD(U), so BJP may play the waiting game. Meanwhile, Tejashwi Yadav of the RJD, the INDIA bloc's youth mascot, is gearing up with populist promises like the Mai Bahini Maan Yojana (Rs 2500 monthly to women), subsidised LPG, and free electricity. Whether these freebies can match the emotional and nationalistic connect forged by Operation Sindoor remains to be seen. Over the last two decades, women voters have emerged as a decisive force in Bihar politics. Since 2010, their turnout has consistently outstripped that of men. Recognising this, the NDA has doubled down on gender-targeted welfare and infrastructure. Mahila Haats, pink toilets, women-only buses, subsidies for e-rickshaws, rental assistance for female cops, and reservations in BSRTC jobs are ongoing schemes. Educational schemes like free cycles, uniforms, and reserved seats in medical and engineering colleges further aim to consolidate the female vote bank. Still, Tejaswi's targeted cash handouts could lure some segments of this electorate, particularly in economically vulnerable zones. The battle for women's votes may end up being the election's hidden decider. Bihar's political DNA has long been dominated by caste arithmetic. Traditionally, JD(U) leaned on Kurmi-Koeri (upper backward classes) support, RJD on Yadav-Muslim votes, and BJP on upper castes and urban voters. But these boundaries are blurring. Operation Sindoor, and the strong reaction it evoked across demographics, may shift traditional loyalties. Even Yadav and Pasmanda (deprived and downtrodden) Muslim voters in border areas may reconsider their stance if they perceive the INDIA bloc's stance as undermining national pride. Added to that a deeper fatigue is also settling in among sections of the Muslim electorate, weary of being used as mere vote banks. Modi's push to reach out to Pasmanda Muslims and the nationalist tone of Operation Sindoor could further erode the INDIA bloc's Muslim consolidation. Several smaller but significant players are poised to split votes and inject volatility into the election. AIMIM, led by Asaduddin Owaisi, is riding a wave of popularity among young Muslims following his fiery support for Operation Sindoor and denunciation of Pakistan's misadventures. While the party has sent a lukewarm proposal to RJD for alliance, insiders see this as more about optics than intent. From its current tally of five seats, AIMIM could double its count—largely at the INDIA bloc's expense. Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraj, contesting all 243 seats, is running a campaign unlike any other. He doesn't ask for votes; instead, he offers solutions. 'Even I might betray you if I win—so don't believe anyone blindly,' he tells voters. His emphasis on governance and local problem-solving may not win him power, but it may cut into the anti-incumbency vote, hurting INDIA bloc more than the NDA. Left parties continue to fade into irrelevance, with their vote share shrinking rapidly. Bihar is not a monolith. Regional nuances will heavily influence the outcome: North Bihar, especially Seemanchal and Mithila, is fluid and unpredictable, with AIMIM, RJD, and BJP all vying for dominance. Central Bihar could become the swing zone. If the NDA remains united, it holds the edge. Border districts—affected most by Pakistan's misadventures—may swing towards the NDA due to patriotic sentiment and the emotional aftershocks of Operation Sindoor. Early speculation suggests the NDA could bag between 125 and 150 seats in the 243-member Assembly. The INDIA bloc may secure around 70, while the remainder would be split among AIMIM, Jan Suraj, independents, and possibly the Left. A party or alliance needs 122 seats for a simple majority. Should the NDA cross the threshold comfortably, the post-poll narrative could shift to leadership. Chirag Paswan, youthful and ambitious, is a natural contender. With Nitish Kumar fading, the BJP could spring a surprise, especially if it helps maintain unity within the alliance while projecting a fresh face for Bihar's future. Rahul Gandhi has made Bihar a key focus, visiting the state more than any other in recent months. But his continued jibes against the army and mocking tone toward the Prime Minister have cost him dearly in the hyper-nationalist mood post-Sindoor. The Congress, far from rejuvenated, is dragging the INDIA bloc into confusion and controversy. His rhetoric—blaming Modi for surrendering to Trump, downplaying Operation Sindoor as a 'chutput war,' and alleging massive Indian casualties—risks alienating patriotic voters and playing directly into the BJP's hands. Poll analysts estimate that around 35 per cent of Bihar's electorate is committedly anti-BJP. This gives the INDIA bloc a base—but not an edge. With Modi's personal popularity, the emotional impact of Operation Sindoor, a robust women-centric agenda, and a fragmented opposition, the NDA holds a visible advantage. But Bihar is a land of last-minute swings and layered loyalties. The real battle will be decided by how effectively the NDA manages its internal dynamics, and how smartly the INDIA bloc reinvents its narrative—if at all. In 2025, Bihar won't just vote for governance. It will vote for identity, vision, and direction. Operation Sindoor didn't just change military dynamics—it may well have changed the political future of one of India's most complex states. (The author is former Chief Editor of The Hans India)