"Chandrababu should remember that all the vindictive politics the coalition has been playing will bounce back": YSRCP's Lakshmi Parvathi
Amaravati (Andhra Pradesh) [India], June 24 (ANI): The Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) on Tuesday expressed disagreement with the claims of good governance made during the completion of one year of the current administration in Andhra Pradesh, stating that several sections of society, including women, continue to face challenges.
Speaking to the media here on Tuesday, YSRCP General Secretary Lakshmi Parvathi said the government must reflect on issues concerning women's safety and welfare schemes, and emphasised that strong corrective measures were necessary.
'Lokesh is being termed as a shadow Chief Minister, which is ridiculous as the greenhorn can barely speak out, and Chandrababu should remember that all the vindictive politics the coalition has been playing will bounce back in the coming days,' Lakshmi Parvathi said.
'There is no safety for women, and atrocities on even minor girls have been reported, but there is hardly any response from the government, and the Home Minister has no voice to speak as the accused are TDP cadre. Even Purandeswari, being the coalition partner, does not speak out, which shows that she has been endorsing every evil move of Chandrababu Naidu,' she added.
She added that the welfare programmes implemented during the previous YSRCP-led government, particularly those focused on women's empowerment, were well-received and rolled out consistently. 'That was an example of good governance. Any deviation from that should be reassessed,' she added.
Lakshmi Parvathi also questioned the public perception around certain leaders and urged all political stakeholders to rise above personal ambition to serve the state effectively.
On Monday, the present state government marked the completion of its first year with a public event titled 'First Step in Good Governance', attended by Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu, Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, Minister for Education Nara Lokesh, and BJP MP Daggubati Purandeswari.
In a post on X CM Naidu wrote, 'Today's unique gathering, 'First Step in Good Governance' was dedicated to the people of Andhra Pradesh and our commitment to serving them. The GoAP came together in full strength to reflect on the progress made over the past year and to chart our path forward. We remain deeply committed to delivering transparent, accountable, and people-centric governance. With the support of our people of AP, we have begun to undo the damage of the past and lay the foundation for real, lasting development. I thank everyone who participated.' He added, 'Let's continue to serve our people and our state with full dedication and purpose.' (ANI)
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The Hindu
43 minutes ago
- The Hindu
How Assam's Pushback Politics is Weaponising Citizenship
Published : Jun 25, 2025 08:58 IST - 14 MINS READ In a special one-day session of the Assam Assembly on June 9, 2025, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma invoked an old 1950 Act to declare that his government would henceforth push back into Bangladesh anyone who had illegally entered Assam after March 24, 1971, and had been identified as a foreigner if her/his case was not pending before a court. He said it would be done under the Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1950, without involving the Foreigners Tribunals (FTs). (The special Assembly session had been convened to adopt a resolution to rename Dibrugarh Airport after the Assamese music legend Bhupen Hazarika.) Sarma said that while his BJP-led government would also pursue cases pending before the FTs, it would simultaneously intensify the 'pushbacks'. Sarma justified his decision to bypass the FTs by referring to the Supreme Court's October 2024 judgment delivered by a five-member Constitutional Bench headed by the then Chief Justice of India, D.Y. Chandrachud, in which the majority verdict upheld the constitutional validity of Section 6A of the Citizenship Act, which makes March 24, 1971, the cut-off date for citizenship in Assam. By this judgment, he claimed, the court had given the Assam government 'sweeping power'. It meant, he asserted, that the government need not go to FTs for expulsion of foreigners and, instead, District Commissioners could be empowered to evict anyone who was prima facie found to be a 'foreigner'. The June 9 announcement came in the face of a pushback attempt in May that went awry when a batch of people were stranded in no man's land along the international boundary, sparking tensions between the border forces of both countries. Subsequently, some of them were brought back to India after their families submitted documents of their cases pending in the Supreme Court and the Gauhati High Court. The cases challenged the FT verdicts that had declared them foreigners. Also Read | Legal yet lawless: Assam's new wave of deportations follows a long tradition of expulsion politics In the special session, Sarma claimed that 330 'foreigners' had been 'pushed back' into Bangladesh in the past couple of weeks and none of them had returned, and another 35 people would be pushed back soon. He, however, admitted that a few individuals whose cases were pending in courts had been wrongly evicted but later brought back through diplomatic channels. The Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act authorises District Commissioners to order the direct expulsion of an individual or a class of people from India or Assam, bypassing the tribunal process, if they are suspected to be foreigners who have entered illegally. Sarma said that the Act exempts those people who have entered Assam to escape religious persecution. 'Provided that nothing in this section shall apply to any person who on account of civil disturbances or the fear of such disturbances in any area now forming part of Pakistan has been displaced from or has left his place of residence in such area and who has been subsequently residing in Assam,' the Act says. Sarma's reference to this clause presumably implies that Hindu migrants from Bangladesh will be left alone regardless of the legality of their entry. Indeed, on July 5, 2024, Sarma's government issued instructions to the Border Police wing of the Assam Police not to refer cases of Hindu and other non-Muslim 'illegal migrants' who entered India before December 31, 2014, to FTs. A separate register was to be maintained for this category. There were also instructions that such people may be advised to apply online for Indian citizenship under the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019. A video of the group of 14 people who had been declared foreigners by FTs and stranded in no man's land on the Bangladesh border surfaced in social media in May. This drew public attention to the way the police in Assam were picking up, apparently at random, people whose citizenship cases were pending in court. While the Border Security Force (BSF) pushed them to the zero line on the international border, the Border Guards of Bangladesh (BGB) prevented them from crossing it. Khairul Islam, who was part of the group, narrated to media outlets the ordeal of spending a whole day under the scorching sun in a paddy field. He said they were taken to a BGB camp in Kurigram district of Bangladesh on the evening of May 24. It was when his wife came across the video clip that she approached the police in Morigaon with documents to prove that his case was pending before the Supreme Court. The police assured her that he would be brought back. Islam, a former teacher of a government school, had moved the Supreme Court challenging the Gauhati High Court order that upheld the FT opinion declaring him a foreigner in 2016. He spent two years in Tezpur Central Jail after the High Court upheld the FT opinion and was subsequently released in 2020. The BGB handed over Islam and six others to the BSF on May 25. Islam was taken to the Matia Transit Camp in Assam's Goalpara district, the country's largest detention centre, from where, he alleges, he was forcibly picked up along with the others for the pushback exercise. Move to facilitate arming of 'indigenous' people Meanwhile, in a move that has drawn strong objections from the opposition, Sarma's government decided at a Cabinet meeting on May 28, 2025, to grant arms licences to 'original inhabitants and indigenous Indian citizens' living in vulnerable and remote areas where they are in a 'minority'. At a press conference following the meeting, Sarma said that in districts such as Dhubri, Morigaon, Nagaon, Barpeta, and South Salmara-Mankachar, Muslims whose origins could be traced back to the erstwhile East Bengal now constituted the majority. He clarified that the arms licence policy would not be applicable in areas along inter-State boundaries. Assam shares boundaries with Meghalaya, Nagaland, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura, Manipur, and West Bengal. Ironically, the social reality in the areas mentioned by Sarma is that the majority of the so-called migrant Muslims identified by the Chief Minister have consistently reported Assamese as their mother tongue in successive census records, and their children are mostly educated in Assamese-medium government schools. The legal question of who is an 'indigenous' person in Assam for the purpose of ascertaining constitutional safeguards, land rights, and reservation in accordance with the Assam Accord is yet to be settled for want of consensus on the definition of the term and the reference period. The State government's latest moves to tackle the foreigners' issue has drawn sharp criticism from the opposition. The Congress' Debabrata Saikia, Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly, wrote to External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar on May 30 seeking intervention by the Central government 'to immediately halt these unconstitutional actions, ensure proper nationality verification before any deportation, release all wrongly detained Indian citizens, and make detainee information publicly available'. He wrote: 'Pushing Indian citizens into no man's land without verification is unconstitutional and fundamentally inhumane. The repatriation during the pendency of a Supreme Court case constitutes a grave breach of the judicial process. This further violates international human rights standards.' A release issued by Saikia's office said the letter noted with concern that these operations appeared to target Muslim communities, undermining India's secular fabric. The letter also alleged that the Assam Police had arbitrarily detained hundreds of Indian citizens not involved in any citizenship-related legal proceedings. 'While most detainees were eventually released, their wrongful apprehension itself points to serious procedural lapses. Families remain uninformed about the whereabouts of detainees, violating basic transparency norms,' it said. Saikia reminded the External Affairs Minister that such action directly contradicted India's stated position on deportation, quoting Jaishankar's own statement in Parliament emphasising the necessity of 'unambiguous verification of nationality' before any repatriation. Opposition parties have also vehemently opposed the decision to grant arms licences to 'original inhabitants' and 'indigenous people'. Calling it a 'dangerous step towards lawlessness and jungle raj', Assam Pradesh Congress Committee president Gaurav Gogoi said on his X handle on May 29: 'People of Assam deserve jobs, affordable healthcare, quality education, not guns. Instead of strengthening police and border forces, the government is intent on distributing arms among BJP-RSS sympathisers and local criminal syndicates. This will lead to gang violence and crimes based on personal vendetta. Local business and traders are bound to be harassed.' Gogoi is Deputy Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and represents the Jorhat constituency. Saikia has written to Union Home Minister Amit Shah appealing for immediate reversal of the decision. He has called for strengthening professional law enforcement mechanisms instead of promoting the arming of civilians. He has asserted that Article 21 of the Constitution guarantees all citizens equal protection under law and said community-specific arms distribution is fundamentally discriminatory. He has expressed grave concern that this decision comes when Assam has finally achieved relative stability after decades of insurgency and conflict. He has warned about dangerous demographic implications and said selective arming of people can deepen existing social divides and potentially create new armed factions. Himanta Biswa Sarma confident of his strategy Sarma, however, is sticking to his position and insists that grant of arms licence has been a long-pending demand of indigenous Assamese people since the anti-foreigner agitation of 1979-85. The policy, he says, is in line with the BJP's commitment to protect jati (nationality), mati (land), and bheti (foundation) of indigenous people. A Cabinet note on the policy stated: 'The scheme will act as deterrent to unlawful threats and enhance the personal security and confidence of such individual and communities.' Sarma says the decision should have been taken in 1985 (the year of the Assam Accord) and many indigenous people would not have been forced to leave places where they had lived for long if it had been done. The Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), which formed the first regional party government in 1985, is a junior partner in the BJP-led government headed by Sarma, as it was in the Sarbananda Sonowal government. The AGP could not complete its first five-year term. President's Rule was imposed on November 27, 1990, on the grounds of deterioration in law and order following a spurt in insurgent activities by the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). Governor D.D. Thakur wrote to the President on November 26, 1990, seeking President's Rule. His letter said that 'about 1,600 firing weapons which had been ordered to be deposited with the D.M. [District Magistrate] by the licence holders, were snatched away by ULFA activists' (Peoples Union for Human Rights v. Union of India (UoI) And Ors on 20 March, 1991. Equivalent citations: AIR1992GAU23, AIR 1992 GAUHATI 23, (1991) 2 GAU LR 1, source Sarma's term in office has been consistently marked by aggressive posturing on the issue of 'foreigners' displacing indigenous Assamese people. Speaking on various occasions and platforms, he has been trying to make an emotive pitch by saying 'Assamese people have to take a non-compromising stance' to protect themselves. 'Modiji is saying 'pushback', but Assamese people are questioning why pushback is happening. Modiji is willing to lend all help, but he alone cannot protect us,' he said on one occasion. Sarma says pushbacks will act as a deterrent against infiltration from Bangladesh. The 'White Paper on Foreigners' Issue' brought out by the Tarun Gogoi–led Congress government in 2012 explains the difference between 'pushback' and 'deportation' thus: 'In case of Push Back there is no need for acceptance of the person concerned by the BGB. In case of Deportation, on the other hand, there is flag meeting between BSF and BGB and the deportation takes place only when the BGB accepts the foreigner. If BGB refuses to accept the foreigner, BSF is left with no option and such person becomes stateless.' 'Pushbacks' are not exactly novel Between 1961 and 1964, the then Bimala Prasad Chaliha-led Congress government pushed back over 1.78 lakh 'infiltrators' to erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The White Paper states that the Registrar General of Census in his report on the 1961 Census assessed that 2,20,691 'infiltrants' had entered Assam. 'In the light of this report of Census 1961 coupled with intelligence reports, police launched a drive in 1962-1964 to detect and deport such infiltrators. By mid-1964, the State government had also set up four tribunals through an executive order to cover those cases of suspected infiltrants who claimed to be Indian. These tribunals were headed by special officers with judicial background who were appointed to scrutinise cases of infiltrants before issuing Quit India notices.' The document further states: 'During the period 1961-1966 approximately, 1,78,952 infiltrants were either deported or had voluntarily left the country, but an estimated 40,000 did not leave India. The police drive, which commenced in mid-1962 against infiltrators, continued but invited criticism from some leaders of Assam. Pakistan also threatened to drag the issue to the United Nations.' Kamal Nayan Choudhury, an expert on the Constitution, believes illegal immigrants are not entitled to due legal process: 'When it comes to detecting illegal migrants, why are the police making a reference to tribunals? Is it necessary? No. Persons whose entry into a country is illegal are called 'alien at will' and they are not entitled to due process of law under international law.' He argued that only people who had overstayed but had originally entered legally should be referred to tribunals. According to him, those who entered Assam illegally should be dealt with under the Act of 1950. Choudhury believes the promulgation of the Foreigners (Tribunals) Order, 1964, has hindered the process of identifying foreigners. 'The Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1950, is a special law to deal with expulsion of illegal migrants from Assam, whereas the Foreigners Act, 1946, is a general law dealing with entry, stay, and departure of a foreigner. In the context of the Foreigners Act, 1946, it is incomprehensible how the 1964 order could be framed,' he said. Communal disturbances in Dhubri and Lakhimpur Recent communal disturbances in Assam have lent grist to the Hindutva mill. There was trouble in Dhubri during Eid celebrations on June 7 after a cow's head was apparently found dumped in front of a Hanuman temple. Thirty-eight people were arrested in connection with this incident. On a visit to Dhubri on June 14 to review the law and order situation, Sarma issued shoot-at-sight orders against anyone trying to create trouble. He told the media that three posters by an outfit called 'Nabin Bangla' had been found in the town and these indicated an agenda of 'annexing' Dhubri to Bangladesh. Also Read | In Assam, 'indigenous' means many things—until it means Muslim Before the tensions in Dhubri could dissipate, seven people were arrested in Lakhimpur district on June 18, the day after three cattle skulls were found about 30 metres from a naamghar (traditional Assamese prayer hall). Sarma revealed the names of the arrested men—all Muslims—on X. Responding to media questions on the incidents in Dhubri and Lakhimpur, he made a statement that drew widespread criticism: 'My recommendation is that if someone keeps beef, you should keep pork meat. It will make it even then.' On June 10, the Chief Minister shared a video clip on X of his speech made on the occasion of the submission of the report by the Satra Ayog constituted by his government to assess the problem of encroachment on Satra land. He wrote: 'Minorities should respect the traditions and customs of the indigenous people and not try to create a conflict by building Masjids near Satras [Vaishnavite monasteries] and occupying Satra land. Dhubri, Barpeta, etc. are an example of such templates and we should not let this be repeated.' In the video he alleged that cow slaughter, beef consumption, and land grabbing were being used to push away local people from Satra land and announced that his government would constitute a permanent Satra Commission and empower it financially and administratively. With less than a year left for the 2026 Assembly election, Assam is suffering a polarised build-up of emotions. A dangerous discourse is being shaped by an intensified pushback of suspected Bangladeshi Muslims while arming indigenous people and fashioning 'beef weaponisation' and Satra land encroachment narratives as existential threats to Assamese Hindus. Sushanta Talukdar is a senior independent journalist based in Guwahati who has extensively covered the north-eastern region. Formerly a writer with The Hindu, he currently edits a bilingual online magazine called
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Business Standard
an hour ago
- Business Standard
Jagan slams Andhra govt for failing to support students, unemployed youth
YSRCP chief YS Jagan Mohan Reddy has lashed out at the ruling TDP-led coalition government, accusing it of betraying youth and students. Hailing the statewide 'Yuvatha Poru (youth struggle)' protest led by his party on Monday against the alleged unfulfillment of giving unemployment allowances, Reddy on Tuesday said that the government has failed to honour its promises, such as jobs and education support. "The lathi-charge on students in Narasaraopet exposed the government's violent, intolerant nature," the former chief minister said in a post on 'X', referring to police dispersing the protesters in Narasaraopeta city in Palnadu district. The former CM questioned why students were allegedly assaulted for simply submitting representations and asking for the implementation of the Rs 3,000 monthly unemployment allowance as promised by the TDP during the election campaign. Reddy questioned how many of the 1.25 crore unemployed youth in the state received the allowance. The YSRCP supremo further alleged that Rs 6,400 crore in dues from the erstwhile YSRCP government schemes, Jagananna Vidya Deevena and Vasathi Deevena, remained unpaid, "forcing students to abandon education and seek jobs." He alleged that only Rs 750 crore was released from the Rs 4,200 crore due under the fee reimbursement scheme, while Rs 2,200 crore was pending under hostel assistance. He warned Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu against crushing dissent and declared that betrayal, lies, and neglect would not go unpunished by the people.
Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Trump administration authorizes $30 million for Israeli-backed group distributing food in Gaza
Trump administration authorizes $30 million for Israeli-backed group distributing food in Gaza (Image: AP) WASHINGTON: The Trump administration has authorized providing $30 million to a US- and Israeli-backed group that is distributing food in Gaza, a US official said Tuesday, an operation that has drawn criticism from other humanitarian organizations. The request is the first known US government funding for the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation's aid distribution efforts amid the Israel-Hamas war. The American-led group had applied for the money to the US Agency for International Development, which has been dismantled and will soon be absorbed into the State Department as part of the Trump administration's deep cuts of foreign aid. The application is part of a controversial development: private contracting firms led by former US intelligence officers and military veterans delivering aid to some of the world's deadliest conflict zones in operations organized with governments that are combatants in the conflicts. The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss a sensitive diplomatic issue involving a controversial aid program, said the decision to directly fund GHF was made "to provide effective and accessible humanitarian aid to the people of Gaza." The announcement comes as violence and chaos have plagued areas near the new food distribution sites since opening last month. In a statement, GHF refuted AP's reporting about any killings near its sites. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Diese Testsieger-Wärmepumpe stellt den Heizungsmarkt auf den Kopf thermondo Undo The group says it has delivered some 44 million meals to Palestinians in need. Palestinian witnesses and health officials say Israeli forces have repeatedly opened fire on crowds heading toward desperately needed food, killing hundreds in recent weeks. The Israeli military says it has fired warning shots at people it said approached its forces in a suspicious manner. Witnesses said Israeli troops opened fire as crowds tried to reach a GHF site on Tuesday in southern Gaza. At least 19 were killed and 50 others wounded, according to Nasser hospital and Gaza's Health Ministry. The Israeli military did not immediately comment. Israel wants the GHF to replace a system coordinated by the United Nations and international aid groups. Along with the United States, it accuses Hamas of stealing aid, without offering evidence. The United Nations, its affiliated aid agencies and private humanitarian groups that work in Gaza have denied that there has been any significant theft of their supplies by Hamas. UN agencies, humanitarian groups and crisis experts have warned for months that many of Gaza's more than 2 million people are on the brink of famine. Israel recently eased a blockade on food and other humanitarian supplies to the territory, but the UN humanitarian aid office says deliveries into Gaza remain severely restricted, describing the current flow of food as a trickle into an area facing catastrophic levels of hunger. The Oxfam America aid organization condemned the Trump administration's funding decision Tuesday, calling the US and Israeli-supported aid operation "a multimillion-dollar distraction from the actual causes - and solutions - of Gaza's humanitarian crisis that also carries fatal risks for its intended beneficiaries." The Associated Press reported Saturday that the American-led group had asked the Trump administration for the initial funding so it can continue its aid operation, which has been criticized by the UN, humanitarian groups and others. They accuse the foundation of cooperating with Israel's objectives in the 21-month-old war against Hamas in a way that violates humanitarian principles. State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce told reporters earlier Tuesday that she had no information to provide on funding for the foundation.
