Texas Senate Passes Bill Defining ‘Man' And ‘Woman' Based On Biology
On Thursday, the Texas Senate voted 20-11 to pass House Bill 229, known as the 'Women's Bill of Rights.'
This bill, which defines 'man' and 'woman' based on biological reproductive systems for state records such as birth certificates and driver's licenses, now heads to Gov. Greg Abbott, who is expected to sign it into law.
Authored by Rep. Ellen Troxclair (R-Lakeway) and carried in the Senate by Sen. Mayes Middleton (R-Galveston), the bill aligns with efforts by President Donald Trump to enforce a biological definition of sex, including an executive order targeting 'transgender' participation in women's sports. HB 229 requires state agencies to classify individuals as male or female based on whether their reproductive system is developed to produce ova or fertilize ova, respectively. An amendment clarifies that intersex individuals are not a third sex but must receive accommodations under state and federal law.
Supporters argue the bill protects women's single-sex spaces, such as locker rooms and shelters, and clarifies legal definitions.
'With this bill, women and girls will know that Texas has their back and will not allow hard-fought rights to be eroded by activists who seek to erase them,' Troxclair said, The Texas Tribune reported.
M. E. Castle, director of government relations for Texas Values, a Christian advocacy group, praised the vote: 'The message is clear: You don't mess with Texas women. HB 229 makes sure that the reality and truth of the two sexes is clear in Texas law and never altered by school districts, local cities, or bureaucrats ever again!'
Opponents, including LGBTQ rights advocates, argue the bill marginalizes 'transgender' and intersex individuals.
Sen. José Menéndez (D-San Antonio) called it a 'form of state-sponsored discrimination,' telling the Texas Tribune, 'If a law forces non-binary Texans, who are real people, into categories that don't reflect their lived experiences or identities … that would actually become discrimination in practice.'
Sarah Corbin of the ACLU of Texas questioned its enforcement: 'The question of the hour is how will [HB] 229 be enforced and applied. What we do know is that it's incredibly disrespectful to so many Texans the Legislature represents, and completely disregards their identity.'
The bill's legislative intent section, which does not alter statutes but guides interpretation, emphasizes 'immutable' biological differences, noting women's historical vulnerability to violence and the need for single-sex spaces.
Critics, like Rep. Jessica González, D-Dallas, raised concerns about intersex individuals and women unable to conceive, arguing, 'We should not be boiling down a human's existence into one's ability to reproduce, because this is harmful, it is dangerous, and it is really just freaking insulting.'
Troxclair countered that the bill applies to systems designed for reproduction, 'whether or not they are fully developed, whether or not they are capable of functioning.'
With more than 120,000 Texans identifying as 'transgender,' advocates worry about practical impacts. Shelly Skeen of Lambda Legal said mismatched identification documents could force 'transgender' individuals to out themselves in everyday situations, such as voting or banking.
Heather Clark, whose wife is 'transgender,' testified that carrying a driver's license misaligned with appearance would be 'untenable,' creating 'ample daily opportunities for discrimination' against her.
Texas becomes the 14th state to pass such a law, following states like Kansas and Montana, where similar measures have faced legal challenges. Laura Lane-Steele, a University of South Carolina law professor, noted potential constitutional issues, including privacy and free speech violations, calling the law's application a 'big fat question mark.' Montana's law was struck down in February for violating privacy and equal protection rights, while Kansas' law faces ongoing ACLU challenges.
The bill lacks civil or criminal penalties and focuses on record-keeping, but its broader implications remain unclear. Corbin said the ACLU of Texas is monitoring whether it will be narrowly applied to documents or used for wider policy changes.
'If it starts being used that way, they'll definitely hear from us,' she said.
A 2022 survey found that 63% of Texas voters, including 87% of Republicans, support defining gender by birth certificate sex.
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The Hill
33 minutes ago
- The Hill
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Politico
36 minutes ago
- Politico
How Defunding Planned Parenthood Impacts Health Care
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Yahoo
36 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Golden Dome dangers: An arms control expert explains how Trump's missile defense threatens to make the US less safe
President Donald Trump's idea of a 'Golden Dome' missile defense system carries a range of potential strategic dangers for the United States. Golden Dome is meant to protect the U.S. from ballistic, cruise and hypersonic missiles, and missiles launched from space. Trump has called for the missile defense to be fully operational before the end of his term in three years. Trump's goals for Golden Dome are likely beyond reach. A wide range of studies makes clear that even defenses far more limited than what Trump envisions would be far more expensive and less effective than Trump expects, especially against enemy missiles equipped with modern countermeasures. Countermeasures include multiple warheads per missile, decoy warheads and warheads that can maneuver or are difficult to track, among others. Regardless of Golden Dome's feasibility, there is a long history of scholarship about strategic missile defenses, and the weight of evidence points to the defenses making their host country less safe from nuclear attack. I'm a national security and foreign policy professor at Harvard University, where I lead 'Managing the Atom,' the university's main research group on nuclear weapons and nuclear energy policies. For decades, I've been participating in dialogues with Russian and Chinese nuclear experts – and their fears about U.S. missile defenses have been a consistent theme throughout. Russian President Vladmir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping have already warned that Golden Dome is destabilizing. 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The United States and the Soviet Union negotiated the ABM Treaty as part of SALT I, the first agreements limiting the nuclear arms race. It was approved in the Senate 98-2. The ABM Treaty experience is instructive for the implications of Golden Dome today. Why did the two countries agree to limit defenses? First and foremost, because they understood that unless each side's defenses were limited, they would not be able to stop an offensive nuclear arms race. If each side wants to maintain the ability to retaliate if the other attacks – 'don't nuke me, or I'll nuke you' – then an obvious answer to one side building up more defenses is for the other to build up more nuclear warheads. For example, in the 1960s and 1970s, the Soviets installed 100 interceptors to defend Moscow – so the United States targeted still more warheads on Moscow to overwhelm the defense. Had it ever come to a nuclear war, Moscow would have been even more thoroughly obliterated than if there had been no defense at all. Both sides came to realize that unlimited missile defenses would just mean more offense on both sides, leaving both less secure than before. In addition, nations viewed an adversary's shield as going hand in hand with a nuclear sword. A nuclear first strike might destroy a major part of a country's nuclear forces. Missile defenses would inevitably be more effective against the reduced, disorganized retaliation that they knew would be coming than they would be against a massive, well-planned surprise attack. That potential advantage to whoever struck first could make nuclear crises even more dangerous. Unfortunately, President George W. Bush pulled the United States out of the ABM Treaty in 2002, seeking to free U.S. development of defenses against potential missile attacks from small states such as North Korea. But even now, decades later, the U.S. has fewer missile interceptors deployed (44) than the treaty permitted (100). The U.S. pullout did not lead to an immediate arms buildup or the end of nuclear arms control. But Putin has complained bitterly about U.S. missile defenses and the U.S. refusal to accept any limitation at all on them. He views the U.S. stance as an effort to achieve military superiority by negating Russia's nuclear deterrent. Russia is investing heavily in new types of strategic nuclear weapons intended to avoid U.S. missile defenses, from an intercontinental nuclear torpedo to a missile that can go around the world and attack from the south, while U.S. defenses are mainly pointed north toward Russia. Similarly, much of China's nuclear buildup appears to be driven by wanting a reliable nuclear deterrent in the face of the United States' capability to strike its nuclear forces and use missile defenses to mop up the remainder. Indeed, China was so angered by South Korea's deployment of U.S.-provided regional defenses – which they saw as aiding the U.S. ability to intercept their missiles – that they imposed stiff sanctions on South Korea. Now, Trump wants to go much further, with a defense 'forever ending the missile threat to the American homeland,' with a success rate 'very close to 100%.' I believe that this effort is highly likely to lead to still larger nuclear buildups in Russia and China. The Putin-Xi joint statement pledges to 'counter' defenses 'aimed at achieving military superiority.' Given the ease of developing countermeasures that are extraordinarily difficult for defenses to overcome, odds are the resulting offense-defense competition will leave the United States worse off than before – and a good bit poorer. Putin and Xi made clear that they are particularly concerned about the thousands of space-based interceptors Trump envisions. These interceptors are designed to hit missiles while their rockets are still burning during launch. Most countries are likely to oppose the idea of deploying huge numbers of weapons in space – and these interceptors would be both expensive and vulnerable. China and Russia could focus on further developing anti-satellite weapons to blow a hole in the defense, increasing the risk of space war. Already, there is a real danger that the whole effort of negotiated limits to temper nuclear arms racing may be coming to an end. The last remaining treaty limiting U.S. and Russian nuclear forces, the New START Treaty, expires in February 2026. China's rapid nuclear buildup is making many defense officials and experts in Washington call for a U.S. buildup in response. Intense hostility all around means that for now, neither Russia nor China is even willing to sit down to discuss nuclear restraints, in treaty form or otherwise. In my view, adding Golden Dome to this combustible mix would likely end any prospect of avoiding a future of unrestrained and unpredictable nuclear arms competition. But paths away from these dangers are available. It would be quite plausible to design defenses that would provide some protection against attacks from a handful of missiles from North Korea or others that would not seriously threaten Russian or Chinese deterrent forces – and design restraints that would allow all parties to plan their offensive forces knowing what missile defenses they would be facing in the years to come. I believe that Trump should temper his Golden Dome ambitions to achieve his other dream – of negotiating a deal to reduce nuclear dangers. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Matthew Bunn, Harvard Kennedy School Read more: Golden Dome: An aerospace engineer explains the proposed US-wide missile defense system Is Russia looking to put nukes in space? Doing so would undermine global stability and ignite an anti-satellite arms race H-bomb creator Richard Garwin was a giant in science, technology and policy Matthew Bunn is a member of the National Academies Committee on International Security and Arms Control and a board member of the Arms Control Association. He is a member of the Academic Alliance of the United States Strategic Command and a consultant to Oak Ridge National Laboratory.