Cory Booker Is Turning His Record-Setting Senate Speech Into a Book
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Cory Booker is turning his record-setting Senate speech into a book. The New Jersey senator, who spoke for just over 25 hours on March 31 into April 1, railed against the Trump administration's threats to Social Security, Medicare, and Trump's attacks on the judiciary in a speech that set a record for the longest Senate floor speech in history.
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The book, titled Stand, was announced on May 28 by The St. Martin's Publishing Group. It will be published on Nov. 11, 2025, and is available for preorder now. According to the publisher's notes, the book 'expands on' Booker's speech and 'offers a compelling vision for the future to readers who are eager to make a difference.'
$30.99
Buy Now On Amazon
Buy Now at barnes&noble
Notably, Booker's speech surpassed a record previously set by Strom Thurmond, who filibustered the Civil Rights Act of 1957 for just over 24 hours. However, Booker's speech was not a filibuster because it was not intended to stop a specific piece of legislation. Instead, Booker spoke broadly against the Trump administration's policies.
Booker addressed the decision not to target a specific bill in an interview with Rolling Stone in May. 'In the modern Senate, it's very hard to even get control of the floor. I said to my team, 'How did Ted Cruz get control of the floor? How did Rand Paul? Figure out how they got control.' The person in the cloakroom told me, very annoyingly, 'We let [Rand Paul take the floor] because he promised it was only going to be a couple minutes — and he lied through his teeth.… Are you willing to lie to [Senate Majority Leader John] Thune?' I said, 'That's not the way I roll. I'm not going to lie, so let's just let them know that I'm going to take control of the floor and hold it for as long as I possibly can.''
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A quirky and voluble man, Kachuck is on a quest to save the California avocado, taking political and legal action against entrenched interests he sees as an impediment to farmers like him. He calls himself a "Neuroavocado Warrior." "You've got to be an activist, you've got to be proactive and you have to defend your strengths and buttress your weaknesses in everything you do," said Kachuck, a married father of three adult children. "Everything has adversarial components to it. But the operative part is making peace." As recently as the 1990s, the U.S. did not import Mexican avocados. But 1994's North American Free Trade Agreement opened the floodgates: now roughly 90% of the avocados consumed here are imported. And the bulk of that fruit — again, roughly 90% — comes from Mexico, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. At the same time, Southern California farmers must survive in a drought-prone state, and extreme weather brought on by climate change has meant irregular crop yields, among other challenges. Dylan Marschall, a real estate broker who specializes in avocado properties, said the market dynamics are brutally simple: "Yeah, California has better-quality avocados, but retailers are in the business to make money. And if they can get [better] prices from Mexico, they aren't going to pay for California fruit." Amid the tumult, Kachuck has battled with the California Avocado Commission, accusing it of insufficiently aiding growers. Now he is bracing for President Trump's trade policies, unsure what they might do to his business. Kachuck said he would welcome a tariff, but pointed out that another major Trump initiative — deporting millions of immigrants in the U.S. illegally — could seriously deplete his and other farmers' labor forces. Change can't come soon enough. Kachuck's line of credit is tapped out and he's had to draw hundreds of thousands of dollars from his retirement account to keep the business afloat. Amid the avalanche of foreign fruit, the seasons spanning 2019 through 2023 were "just awful," Kachuck said. The COVID-19 pandemic amplified the problems. But he presses on. "Yeah, I'm taking chances. And I'm stupid enough to not know when quitting is correct," he said. "I just have this general sense of optimism — or hubris — that I can figure it out." Kachuck took over his family's business in 2010, making the long drive to San Diego County from his home in Valley Village. He had just walked away from a career in medicine — he'd practiced as a neurologist at USC for 20 years — to aid his ailing father. Israel Kachuck, a onetime astronautics engineer and general contractor, bought more than 450 acres of mostly barren land in the 1960s and began planting avocado trees. "He had been a restless soul for as long as I was aware," Kachuck said. "lt was part and parcel with what he was doing: moving things around in his brain to accommodate problem solving that was interesting and remunerative." The son had a similar wandering spirit. "My avocado did not fall too far from the tree," Kachuck acknowledged. He studied music composition and briefly played keyboard — three days in 1976 — with the Pointer Sisters. He then moved to New York to compose music for a girlfriend's dance company until his curiosity about how the brain works led him to neurology. Next came medical school, graduating from USC in 1987. When he got involved in ACA Groves about 15 years ago, his dad was grateful. "For the first time in his life, he was finally sharing the business with somebody," Kachuck said. Before long, though, Israel was diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease. He died in 2021 at 92. Though he'd been addled by the ailment, he understood that his son had managed to preserve the family business. "The saving of the family legacy was a very important obligation I felt," said Kachuck, who added, with a laugh, that he had also hoped the business would ensure his children "had more than just a neurologist's income to support their lifestyles." Kachuck immersed himself in a wide-ranging education in avocados, from their agronomy to the unlikely backstory of their California triumph. Once known as the alligator pear, the avocado traces its history to southern Mexico, where the fruit, according to some experts, was first cultivated about 5,000 years ago. (In Nahuatl, avocado is ahuacatl, sometimes defined as "testicle.") Though it is not native to California, the avocado is arguably as tied to the state's identity as the orange once was. This is thanks to the venerable Hass variety, discovered in the 1920s by a Pasadena mail carrier-turned-grower, Rudolph Hass. His namesake variety accounts for 95% of avocados consumed in the U.S. The proliferation of Mexican and other Latin cuisines cemented the avocado's position as an American staple — largely via guacamole. But the fruit hit some speed bumps on its path to ubiquity. Amid an obsession with low-fat diets in the 1980s, avocados were spurned by many — even though their fats are mostly unsaturated. Enter: the California Avocado Commission, which is overseen by the California Department of Food and Agriculture and whose main responsibility is to market and promote the state's fruit. In the 1990s, the commission — which is funded by an assessment of the gross dollar value of California avocados sold — invested in research to establish the fruit's health efficacy, said avocado farmer Duane Urquhart, a commission board member at the time. Once the avocado's nutritiousness was established, Urquhart said, the commission launched a marketing and education campaign to teach consumers how to use them, even working with cooking schools to develop recipes. "That," he said, "was when we really created the U.S. market for California avocados." Now praised as a superfood, avocados are at turns revered and vilified. Consider the endless disparaging of millennials over their avocado toast. But that hasn't stopped anyone from eating them. The avocado's rise had an unintended consequence: Business interests in Mexico took notice. As inexpensive Mexican avocados flooded the state, many California growers looked to the avocado commission for help. But Kachuck felt its board of directors made major missteps. In late 2020, an agricultural trade attorney advised the commission's board that it could petition the United States International Trade Commission for import relief, which can include tariffs. 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Kachuck pivoted to a new strategy in the meantime: In February, he and three other farmers sued Fresh Del Monte Produce, Calavo Growers and Mission Produce in federal court, alleging they violated the California Business and Professions Code by falsely marketing their avocados as "sustainably and responsibly sourced" when they actually come from Mexican orchards planted on deforested land. Jennifer Church, attorney for the plaintiffs, said that the case "is really about the American public being misled to the detriment of our local farmers." Fresh Del Monte, Calavo and Mission did not respond to requests for comment. But this month the companies filed a joint motion to dismiss the growers' lawsuit, arguing in part that the challenged statements are typical "corporate puffery," a legal term for exaggerated marketing claims that may not be objectively factual but are generally permissible. The fight over California's avocado industry has become Kachuck's focus — to the detriment of other pursuits. There are things he wishes he could work on, like cultivating the Reed avocado, a little-known variety that's about the size and shape of a grapefruit. "It's the most luscious, creamy, large and delicious avocado I've ever tasted," he said. He maintains 50 Reed trees, but doesn't sell the fruit, instead giving it away to friends and family. The Reed, Kachuck said, spoils quickly after being picked, but could be made hardier via genetic intervention, such as cross-breeding. Kachuck was in his element showing off the Reed trees during a visit to ACA Groves, taking obvious pleasure in the ranch's pastoral tableau. He crunched across alluvial soil in scuffed sneakers. A gust of wind turned an avocado tree into a viridescent blur. "I would love to concentrate on making a better avocado for us," Kachuck said. He noted that Reed avocados have something unique going for them: They are not commercially grown in Mexico. At least not yet. Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
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'I don't know if exit strategy is in the Trump vocabulary,' he said. This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. Attorney General Rayfield, this is a pretty big win — for the moment — for you and the other 11 attorneys general… That's not a lot of optimism there, Joe. You know, a lot can happen, it's a chaotic environment. But it's a big win for you and the other AGs who brought the suit challenging a huge swath of the Trump tariffs. What's the chatter among you and your attorney general colleagues — what's the mood? Well, this broke obviously [Wednesday] evening, and everybody was looking at the decision. That's the first thing you do, right? You sit there and you say, 'Hey, was this panel unanimous?' And it was. People always want to know where were those judges appointed? Two of them were Republican appointed judges. Now, I think that [question of who appointed each judge] plays into this narrative that judges are political, which I absolutely do not like, because I really believe that judges try to avoid that, but it is a reality of our world. People always want to get into those details, because I think conservative folks are looking for those third-party validators in that space. So this creates a little bit of cognitive dissonance for folks that trend right. The one sentiment that really was overwhelming for all of us: Hey, unanimous. You've got this nice talking point to show: that it is a bipartisan panel of judges that ruled in this way. You have judges that are incredibly educated and judges that applied the prior case law in this space. I think it was also very telling in the way that the court hearing went last week, where you had the Trump lawyers coming in basically saying, 'Hey, you can't review anything we do with emergency orders. And you can't review anything we do with respect to IEEPA. Those are all political questions.' And I think that spirit in the decision really came out, [with the court] kind of saying; 'No, that's not right. And frankly, Congress never intended that.' When we spoke earlier this month, you were confident that the facts of the case and the merits of the case — that the tariffs had exceeded the authority granted by Congress — were strong, and obviously the U.S. Court of International Trade agreed. The administration has already appealed the ruling — can you lay out what comes next, and how you're expecting those same arguments to land as you reach the appellate courts, and if you ultimately reach the Supreme Court? The first step will be the federal circuit in D.C., and so we'll move into that space. And this is a very interesting thing: This was a judgment on the merits. A lot of the cases that you've been seeing are these rulings on preliminary injunctions. This was a summary judgment ruling on the merits for this case. I think that what is very helpful is you go from a specialty court — a court that has been really educated in the issues of trade and the laws and the history — into the federal circuit. I think the arguments that we're making are very palpable and convey very nicely into an appellate court in that scenario. What you'll have is the Trump administration coming back and making the same darn arguments, right? And I think they really want to have a ruling in the federal circuit that says, 'Hey, this is a political question issue. You don't get to question the president and you and judges certainly don't get to make factual determinations on this statute. That's not your role.' I think that's a really tough argument to make, because if you agree — and this is what I think sold it — if you agree with President Trump's lawyers' assessment, nothing is reviewable. You could make an emergency on anything. I could say that our export of hockey players into Canada is incredibly alarming, and it's creating an advantage to Canadian hockey teams. And so this is an emergency, okay? That emergency isn't reviewable, then I could say, 'You know what? I am going to put a 1,000 percent tariff on Canadian maple syrup. So I can create leverage and really bring back balance to American hockey teams versus Canadian hockey teams. And none of that is reviewable by a court.' And I think that when you really start looking at the importance of constitutional separation of powers, co-equal branches of government, and no one branch having too much power, this really starts to tilt the scales if you really take the president's arguments at face value. And I think that's what sold it. I think those same arguments have salience. I know they have saliency in every level of court. But it'll be interesting to see, do the Trump administration's arguments continue in this vein, or do they recognize that this is, constitutionally, a really big challenge? The other thing that I think is fascinating: I think that the Trump administration is entirely short-sighted. These democratic principles are meant as a check against Democratic presidents and Republican presidents alike. If you play this out, a Democratic president could get into office, create an emergency on firearms — I think 40 percent of our firearms in the United States are imported, or at least components of them are — and you can really start extrapolating out. Irrespective of party, this is a real problem and really tugs at the fundamental strings of why we have the rule of law in place. The markets rallied in the morning after the ruling — do you think, in more political terms, that this ruling actually could give the president an exit strategy on some of this tariff agenda, which has proven so controversial? It's an interesting question. I believe that if you take the Trump presidency and his administration at face value, they really do believe in tariffs, in using that as leverage in some of these conversations. And I think he could continue to pursue that strategy via Article 19 [trade rules] — he won't be able to do everything under that — but that's what Congress intended. I don't know if exit strategy is in the Trump vocabulary, but it will be interesting to see how they pivot, if they pivot, moving forward. Have you talked to Oregon Gov. Tina Kotek about the ruling? The governor texted me last night. There are a bunch of times in my life when I've gotten a ton of text messages. Every election that you win, you get a ton of text messages from people that you didn't know were your friends, and that are your long-lost friends. And then when I became speaker. And then there were a ton of text messages yesterday from you name it — friends, family, small businesses and elected officials as well.