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Leading International Climate Scientists Rubbish Luxon's ‘Methane Review', Call On PM To Take Methane Seriously

Leading International Climate Scientists Rubbish Luxon's ‘Methane Review', Call On PM To Take Methane Seriously

Scoop4 days ago

According to the Financial Times report, leading climate scientists are accusing politicians in New Zealand and Ireland of using an 'accounting trick' that could undermine global efforts to fight climate change.
Over 25 international climate change scientists have written an open letter to Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, calling out the Government for 'ignoring scientific evidence' and urging it to 'deliver methane reductions that contribute to the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees.'
According to the Financial Times report, leading climate scientists are accusing politicians in New Zealand and Ireland of using an 'accounting trick' that could undermine global efforts to fight climate change. Specifically the use of 'no additional warming' as a way of setting methane targets would unjustly allow countries with large historic livestock emissions to keep polluting, while penalising poorer countries.
Greenpeace Aotearoa spokesperson Amanda Larsson says, 'This is yet more international criticism of the New Zealand government's anti-science approach to tackling climate change.
'The New Zealand dairy industry is the country's worst climate polluter. Yet rather than responding to the climate crisis with action, the New Zealand Government is looking to sweep the problem under the rug with creative accounting.'
The concept of 'no additional warming' is highly controversial because it focuses on keeping emissions at current levels, rather than reducing them.
Quoted in the Financial Times article is Oxford University Professor Paul Behrens, who said: 'It's like saying 'I'm pouring 100 barrels of pollution into this river, and it's killing life. If I then go and pour just 90 barrels, then I should get credited for that'.'
'No additional warming' has also been criticised by New Zealand experts, including the independent Climate Change Commission and the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment. The open letter urges Luxon to listen to the Climate Commission's advice and strengthen action on methane.
The Climate Change Commission recommends methane cuts of 35-47%. However, under pressure from lobby groups like Federated Farmers – whose ex-President Andrew Hoggard is now an ACT Party MP – the Government established a separate panel to review the methane target in line with this controversial tool. That panel landed on a much weaker methane target.
Documents released under the Official Information Act show that the methane panel was established because the Climate Commission's independence meant the Government could not direct it to use 'no additional warming'. Ministry for the Environment officials advised at the time that 'no additional warming' was not in fact a matter of science, but a political decision.
Larsson says, 'The Luxon Government chose to sideline its independent, science-based climate advisory body by setting up a separate review panel with the very narrow task of giving it the answers it wanted. No wonder international climate scientists are raising the alarm.'
Further OIA documents show that the Methane Review Panel only met with agribusiness stakeholders, including a Groundswell-linked lobby group.
Greenpeace says this is just the tip of the iceberg. The organisation has unveiled documents showing the startling level of influence that groups like Federated Farmers, Dairy NZ and Beef+Lamb NZ have had over government policy. This includes writing draft policy and communications plans for Ministers.
'Most New Zealanders are deeply concerned about climate change and the risk to their kids and grandkids,' says Larsson.
'They expect the Government to be using the best evidence from its appointed experts, not fudging the numbers to let the country's worst polluters off the hook. This is what happens when you let polluters write the policy.'
The Government has indicated that it will make a decision on the methane target this year, ahead of the UN climate summit in the Amazon this November.

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If such audio or video recordings were ever shared with others or posted online, that may be a criminal offence under the Harmful Digital Communications Act 2015 – if it can be proved this was done with the intention to cause serious emotional distress. What about covert filming of women in public places? Covert recording of women working out or walking down a road, including extreme closeups of clothed body parts, would unlikely meet the definition of 'intimate visual recording'. That is because they do not typically involve nudity, undergarments or private bodily activities, and they often occur in public places where there is no reasonable expectation of privacy. Even extreme closeups may not meet the threshold unless they are taken from beneath or through clothing in a way that targets the genitals, buttocks or breasts. While they are invasive and degrading, they may remain lawful. By contrast, it is more likely that covert filming of women dressing or undressing through a window would satisfy the definition, depending on where the women were. For example, were they in a place where they would have a reasonable expectation of privacy? If the non-consensual recording captures a person in a state of undress, then the creation of such images or videos could be considered a crime. Are any of these behaviours 'harassment'? Under the Harassment Act 1997, 'harassment' is defined as a pattern of behaviour directed at a person that involves at least two specified acts within a 12-month period, or a single continuing act. These acts can include following, watching, or any conduct that causes the person to fear for their safety. Although covert filming or audio recording is not expressly referenced, the acts of following and watching within alleged voyeuristic behaviour, if repeated, could fall within the definition. But harassment is only a crime where it is done with the intent or knowledge that the behaviour will likely cause a person to fear for their safety. This is a threshold that might be difficult to prove in voyeurism or similar cases. Covert recording of women's bodies, whether audio or visual, is part of a broader pattern of gender-based violence facilitated by technology. Feminist legal scholars have framed this as 'image-based sexual abuse'. The term captures how non-consensual creation, recording, sharing or threatening to share intimate content violates sexual autonomy and dignity. This form of harm disproportionately affects women and often reflects gender power imbalances rooted in misogyny, surveillance and control. The concept has become more mainstream and is referenced by law and policymakers in Australia and the United Kingdom. Has New Zealand law kept up? Some forms of image-based sexual abuse are criminalised in New Zealand, but others are not. What we know of this case suggests some key gaps remain – largely because law reform has been piecemeal and reactive. For example, the intimate visual recording offences in the Crimes Act were introduced in 2006 when wider access to digital cameras led to an upswing in covert filming (of women showering or 'upskirting', for example). Therefore, the definition is limited to these behaviours. But the law was drafted before later advances in smartphone technology, now owned by many more people than in 2006. Generally, laws are thought of as 'living documents', able to be read in line with the development of new or advanced technology. But when the legislation itself is drafted with certain technology or behaviours in mind, it is not necessarily future-proofed. Where to now? There is a risk to simply adding more offences to plug the gaps (and New Zealand is not alone in having to deal with this challenge). Amending the Crimes Act to include intimate audio recordings might address one issue. But new or advanced technologies will inevitably raise others. Rather than responding to each new form of abuse as it arises, it would be better to take a step back and develop a more principled, future-focused criminal law framework. That would mean defining offences in a technology-neutral way. Grounded in core values such as privacy, autonomy and consent, they would be more capable of adapting to new contexts and tools. Only then can the law provide meaningful protection against the evolving forms of gendered harm facilitated by digital technologies.

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