
The Tories need to fight out their internal battle or they are doomed
In time honoured fashion, the Tories and Labour have studied the drubbing they received last week and concluded that the public wants them to carry on as normal. We'll go 'further, faster', says Sir Keir. 'No lurch to the Right', insist the Conservatives. For Labour this is a reasonable bet: the economy might turn around, its vote isn't so divided (yet).
But for the Tories, it's utter madness – a tone deaf, do-nothingness that will send them the way of the old Liberal Party and WH Smith. As with Smith's, the Tory brand is so moribund and confusing, I've forgotten what they used to sell. Paper? Council houses? Knighthoods and pens.
Team Kemi's 'don't lose your head' argument does enjoy a superficial logic. They say: we can't copy Reform because Reform isn't real. In these local elections, it won a third of the vote on a third of the turnout, on a contradictory platform that fails scrutiny (cut taxes, raise welfare). Labour has sunk in the polls, too – because governing in the 21st century is jolly hard, thanks to an elderly population and sluggish growth, and Starmer proves that entering office promising the moon will lead to disappointment.
Nevertheless, similarly awful, centre-left parties have won re-election in Canada and Australia. Why? Because the centre-right opposition allowed itself to be branded as Trumpian. In other words, when it comes to running the country, the voters will ultimately choose an impression of competence over Reform-style theatrics – a reality that will become clear at the next UK election, when Reform nominates Darren Grimes for home secretary (his nan would nae believe it).
Moreover, echoing Reform would encourage some Tory MPs to defect to the Lib Dems. Therefore, unwilling or unable to embrace radical positions on immigration or net-zero, Kemi prefers to let her party evolve behind closed doors, via a policy negotiation process that will someday emerge onto the balcony as a fully-fledged 'plan'.
The problem with this conclave style of politics is it cedes all publicity to Nigel Farage. Kemi only appears on television to explain why she has nothing to say and why it's rude of journalists to ask.
In these tense confrontations, occasionally bordering on violence, one gets a flash of why grassroots Tories voted for her in October 2024. They thought they were getting a Nigerian-British woman who loves the country but can see its flaws, and has no fear in naming them. But her handlers, anticipating bad reviews among the critical voting blocs of Times columnists and Dr Who actors, decided to rein her majesty in and 'soften' her image.
The result: an uncomfortable silence. You know Kemi wants to let rip; we can see what she's capable of from PMQs. But too often she lacks confidence or definition, and I for one am tired of being invited to press conferences to be given a lecture on 'the Kantian dualism in mass migration,' deploying philosophical reflection to disguise the absence of hard policy.
Modern politics is an attention economy. For the past year, the Tories have chosen not to compete – and damage has plainly been done.
The significance of the local elections is that in many parts of the country the Tories lost their historic position as the natural anti-Labour vote. Take my turf of Kent, where they went from 62 seats on Thursday night to just 5 in the morning; Reform is on 57. This was extraordinary. Even in 1993, when the Tories last lost the council at the height of Labour's revival, they still retained 41 councillors.
I grew up believing Kentish politics operated somewhere to the Right of Mississippi, dominated by the blues with the occasional breakthrough for the reds in the coastal towns. But a revolution in voter psychology has taken effect. In the future, anyone who wishes to vote tactically to get rid of Keir Starmer, especially if they live east of the river Medway, will no longer automatically vote Tory: they might judge that Reform has a better chance.
If sitting around praying for Reform to collapse doesn't fix things, the Tories could always offer a pact. This, of course, would acknowledge their diminished status, look desperate, and Nigel is likely to plot an amusingly public display of saying 'no'. So the only alternative is to court Reform voters and rebrand the party from top to bottom as populist and patriotic. The more liberal Tories fight back against this, the better. Have the battle and win it: their mass-defection to Ed Davey's clown show will confirm that the party has made a choice and is sticking to it. Tony Blair had his clause 4 moment. Keir Starmer expelled Jeremy Corbyn.
The death of the old, Cameronian coalition of economic and social liberals is overdue anyway, because Brexit rendered it irrelevant. The day after that referendum, half the conservatives I grew up with became rabid nationalists, the other half bitter liberals – and the urban centre of my home town of Sevenoaks, once populated by Hyacinth Buckets, is now a mini Hoxton. They actually held a 'climate fair' on the green this weekend. I'm pleased to say it was freezing cold.
Cutting one's losses among the joss-stick burning classes is the only way to build up votes elsewhere, and if gambling on a new message and a new demography feels temperamentally unconservative, remember that Peel did it, Disraeli did it and Thatcher did it, too. The paradox of conservatism is that it retains its identity, as the traditional party of governance, by changing – including its highest personnel.
Which brings us to the final question: is Kemi best placed to revive the Tories? The local results suggest that so far she's failing, and it further weakens her position that the party has a viable alternative.
After losing the leadership election, Rob Jenrick adopted the old trick of turning up to the office the next day and acting as if he got the job, issuing press releases, running marathons, taking senior but young-looking journalists to lunch, where he has impressed them with his analysis of the national crisis, his understanding of what needs to be done.
All Kemi can say to fend off his implicit challenge is that to have five leaders within two years would look ridiculous – but the sad truth is that no one is looking anyway. While Reform is capturing the high street, like an invasion of Turkish barbers, the Tories are in danger of closing down for good.
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The Sun
an hour ago
- The Sun
Surge in support for Reform in by-election puts Labour seriously under threat, warns expert
A SURGE in support for Reform in a hotly-contested by-election puts Labour seriously under threat, an expert has warned. Nigel Farage's party finished a close third with more than 26 per cent of the vote narrowly behind both Labour and the SNP in the ballot in Hamilton, Scotland. The party said it was a 'remarkable' turnaround picking up 7,088 compared to just 58 votes in the constituency in 2021 as it attempted to win its first seat in Holyrood. Election guru John Curtice said it would be a 'serious misreading' to believe that Labour had turned round its election fortunes, with the Scottish elections next May. He told the BBC: 'Reform are making the political weather north of the border, as indeed they are south of the border.' Reform deputy leader Richard Tice said: 'We've come from nowhere to being in a three-way marginal, and we're within 750 votes of winning that by-election and just a few hundred votes of defeating the SNP.' The performance came just hours after Zia Yusuf resigned as party chair plunging the party into chaos following a row about banning burqas. In a parting shot, he said he no longer believed trying to get Nigel Farage elected as PM was a 'good use of my time'. Mr Yusuf's shock resignation - just weeks after masterminding their local elections triumph - came after an internal row about banning the burqa. The multi-millionaire ex-businessman had attacked the party's newest MP Sarah Pochin as 'dumb' for asking Sir Keir Starmer to outlaw the Muslim face covering in the Commons. But insiders said tensions at the top of Reform had been brewing for some time, with the chairman feeling increasingly sidelined. In a statement, Mr Yusuf said: 'Eleven months ago I became Chairman of Reform. Watch moment Nigel Farage makes back door exit as Reform UK leader dodges protesters in Scotland 'I've worked full time as a volunteer to take the party from 14 to 30 per cent, quadrupled its membership and delivered historic electoral results. 'I no longer believe working to get a Reform government elected is a good use of my time, and hereby resign the office.' 2


Daily Mail
an hour ago
- Daily Mail
Swinney is punished for decades of SNP failure in crushing by-election defeat
'Humiliated' John Swinney saw his party beaten by Labour in another by-election amid claims voters punished the SNP for 18 years of 'abject failure'. Just hours after the First Minister confidently predicted there was 'no way' Labour could win the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse Holyrood seat, Anas Sarwar's party triumphed by 602 votes in what should have been a safe bet for SNP. The surprise win, achieved in spite of voter fury at UK Labour cuts and a media-shy candidate dubbed the Invisible Man, left SNP activists reeling at the count. New MSP Davy Russell said the Nationalists had 'broken the NHS, wasted money, and after nearly two decades, they don't deserve another chance'. And Scottish Labour deputy leader Dame Jackie Baillie said: 'John Swinney has been humiliated by this result. 'The voters have clearly punished the SNP for their 18 years of misrule.' In other developments: Nigel Farage said Reform UK's strong third place showed it was 'just getting started in Scotland' Russell Findlay apologised to voters after the Scottish Tories came fourth, saying 'My party let you down in government and we accept responsibility for our mistakes' Former SNP cabinet secretary Alex Neil said 'the current SNP leadership needs to be replaced urgently', while former SNP deputy Jim Sillars accused Mr Swinney of a 'manifest failure to read the street' and called him 'unfit' to lead Ex-SNP MP Joanna Cherry KC said her party was 'stagnant' and 'needs a major rethink' An elated Mr Anas Sarwar yesterday said it was the springboard to a Labour win at Holyrood and predicted the era of Nationalist rule was coming to an end. Celebrating with Mr Russell and a throng of activists in the summer sun, Mr Sarwar said it was 'pretty obvious' that Mr Swinney was now on 'borrowed time'. He said the SNP had run a 'shameful' campaign that glossed over the party's record and tried to focus on Reform because Mr Swinney 'knows the record is one of abject failure'. He said: 'What we're seeing now is the running down of the clock. This is an SNP government that has lost its way. The balloon is burst. They're out of ideas.' Mr Sarwar said he believed the victory to be 'even more significant' than the party's win in the nearby Rutherglen and Hamilton West by-election in October 2023 - which he said had been key in helping to secure Labour's general election win in July last year. At a low-key press conference in Edinburgh, a dejected Mr Swinney admitted his party had not recovered last year's general election thrashing, when it lost 39 of its 48 MPs. 'The SNP's made some progress but it's not enough and we've got to make further progress before the elections next May,' he said. The by-election was triggered by the death of SNP minister Christina McKelvie from cancer at the age of 57. It was one of the ugliest campaigns in modern Scottish politics, with accusations of racism levelled against Reform after it homed its attacks on Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar. A Reform campaign advert claimed Mr Sarwar had said he wanted to 'prioritise the Pakistani community' based on a 2022 speech in which he said no such thing. Mr Swinney tried to use the advert and Reform's rising support to turn the contest into a battle between his own party and Nigel Farage's and exclude Labour. He claimed it was a 'two-horse race' in which Labour didn't feature. 'I'm confident we've done enough to win the contest,' he said on the eve of the poll. 'Labour can't win. It's over for the Labour Party. There's no way they can win here, after the disastrous record of the Labour government.' But Labour's traditional door-by-door campaigning and an affable local candidate who highlighted deteriorating public services under the SNP narrowly won out. Mr Russell erased an SNP majority of 4,582 on a 7 per cent swing to Labour. Labour's share of the vote was 31.5 per cent, down from the 33.6 per cent at the 2021 Holyrood election. The SNP's vote share slumped by more than a third from 46.2 per cent to 29.3 per cent. Despite hype about overtaking Labour or even winning, Reform UK came third, but achieved a 26.1 per cent share despite not having a Holyrood candidate in the seat before The Scottish Conservatives came fourth but narrowly held on to their deposit.


The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
Labour hails ‘incredible' by-election victory – but can it see off Reform to win Holyrood in 2026?
Against expectations, Labour won the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election for the Scottish parliament. Anas Sarwar, its leader in Scotland, hailed the result as an 'incredible victory' and declared that voters are 'tired of SNP failure' but have 'rejected Reform 's poison'. However, with a little less than a year before the next elections at Holyrood, it's by no means clear who the next first minister will be. What happened in Hamilton? The by-election was held following the death earlier this year of Scottish government minister, Christina McKelvie. Labour's Davy Russell won after a swing of more than 7 per cent from the SNP to Labour, with 8,559 votes, beating SNP candidate Katy Loudon on 7,957 and Reform's Ross Lambie on 7,088. Mr Sarwar said: 'The choice is stark next year ... it is about choosing a government here in Scotland. The choice is stark – a third decade of the SNP with John Swinney as first minister or a new direction for Scotland with me as first minister.' Reform UK deputy leader Richard Tice insisted his party was 'delighted' with coming third. 'We've come from nowhere to being in a three-way marginal, and we're within 750 votes of winning that by-election and just a few hundred votes of defeating the SNP, so it's an incredible result,' he said. Was it an 'incredible victory' for Labour? No. Labour did far worse than in a 2023 by-election for Westminster, and in last year's election. It even did a little worse here than it did in the 2021 Holyrood elections. What's more, it was hardly ahead of the SNP or, more shockingly, Reform UK. A shift of a few hundred votes out of the total of 27,155 cast could have swung it for any of three main contenders. It was really a three-way fight, and could easily have been won by either of the other two, with Labour possibly finishing a close third. The outstanding features were the collapse in SNP and Conservative support, plus a Reform UK surge in unpromising territory. What does it tell us about Labour? This took place in the central belt, where Labour staged a remarkable revival last year but has since suffered a steep decline, so the result was broadly in line with what opinion polls are telling us. So who will win the Scottish elections next year? Nobody, in the sense that the SNP will suffer heavy losses and Labour may do scarcely better than it did in 2021. On the current showing, the SNP will most likely emerge as the largest party unless Labour can stage a recovery and take voters away from the SNP, who've been in power since 2007. On the basis of this by-election and the opinion polls, no one will get anywhere near an overall majority, and it will be difficult for any realistic majority to be cobbled together. The Scottish election system has a good deal of proportionality in it which means that, unlike the first-past-the-post arrangement for the House of Commons, many more parties will gain a larger representation. Thus it seems likely that the SNP, Labour, Reform, the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats and possibly the Scottish Greens and Alba will be represented to some extent. The SNP, despite its slump since 2021, may well still be the largest single party, on about 32 per cent of the vote, ahead of Labour. But the SNP would need the support of other, mostly unionist, parties if it wanted to govern on a truly stable basis – at the moment, an unlikely scenario. Alternatively, the SNP, possibly under new leadership, could follow the example of Alex Salmond in his first term as first minister from 2007 to 2011, and govern on a 'policy by policy' basis as a minority administration. Either way, the relative weakness of the SNP would stymie any further push for independence. But Labour, who beat the SNP in Scotland at last year's Westminster election, will be disappointed in 2026 if they fail to retake Holyrood, which they once dominated so effortlessly.