
Miliband's net zero muddle is putting lives at risk
Last month The Telegraph published three related articles detailing: how landlords could force tenants to pay for the costs of insulation and other energy-related building improvements demanded by the Government; how grants for heat pumps might be cut as a result of the upcoming spending review; and the fact that Ed Miliband is considering recovering renewable energy subsidies from gas bills, rather than electricity bills.
Collectively, these stories shine a light on how Labour is fundamentally reshaping Britain's energy market. Yet it's hard to describe just how harmful these policies would be.
The worst of the lot would be to move green levies from electricity to gas. At the moment, most subsidy costs are loaded on to electricity. This is because they support renewable electricity generation. Subsidies for green gas are already added to gas bills, but they are much lower.
Supporters of the idea of shifting more levies on to gas claim it would push people to adopt greener technology, such as electrically powered heat pumps.
Yet the logic of this argument rests on a flawed ideology known as 'polluter pays'. The idea is to make polluting – ie. using fossil fuels – so expensive that consumers would be forced to adopt other alternatives.
Except it doesn't work that way in practice. Many consumers have little or no choice over the type of fuel they use. More likely, they will face the unpalatable choice between heating and eating.
If you don't own your own home, you cannot replace the windows, upgrade the insulation or install solar panels. If you do own your own home but don't have a lot of money for major home improvements, you also won't be able to do any of these things.
As a result, putting green levies on bills is regressive: those least able to make changes end up shouldering more than their fair share of the costs as wealthier people invest in energy-saving measures and on-site generation.
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Telegraph
26 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Copy Reform and you'll get eaten, Kinnock tells Starmer
Lord Kinnock, the former Labour leader who now sits in the House of Lords, said the Prime Minister had been 'not well advised' on how to tackle the rise of Nigel Farage's party. He suggested that attempts to ape Reform's language were 'mortally stupid', and advised the party that 'achievement' in Government was the best way to counter the Reform threat. Lord Kinnock told Prospect Magazine: 'Appeasers get eaten. It's very important to remember that if people are offered two versions of a particular political brand, they will always choose the genuine one.' He added: 'If a progressive party is trying to use the vocabulary of isolationism or segregation or division, it's the same. It is silly to do that. It isn't evil, but it is very, very silly – maybe mortally stupid.' The former Labour leader's intervention is the latest development in growing tensions within the Labour Party about how to tackle the rising tide of Reform support. His remarks came after the Prime Minister announced measures to tackle immigration and a tightening of the system, warning that without such a move the UK risked becoming an 'island of strangers'. The speech followed Labour 's drubbing in the local elections last month, where Reform won hundreds of council seats and seized the parliamentary seat of Runcorn and Helsby. The comments were supported by some figures in Red Wall seats, which are under greater threat from the surge in Reform support, but denounced by many Left-wing Labour MPs. Lord Kinnock said: 'I think there are elements in and around the Labour party encouraging that as a way of responding to Reform, and they are fundamentally, 100 per cent, 22-carat wrong.' He added: 'I don't fear Reform, but I do think we ought to fight them rather harder and with more purpose.' The peer told the magazine: 'The playbook is familiar to anybody who studied the 1930s in Europe and or indeed in the United States of America. 'I'm not saying we are in any sense slipping towards some kind of fascist system… But those factors and the way in which they generate division and envy and isolationism – they're unhealthy features of any democracy.' On how to beat Reform, he said: 'Nothing replaces achievement in government, [concentrating on] what people regard to be the primary issues on the agenda, which is to say: health, decent jobs, affordable costs and wages that can meet those costs.' Lord Kinnock led the Labour Party before famously losing the 1992 election to Sir John Major despite the polls being in his favour, leading to another five years of Conservative rule. The pro-Europe politician said that decisions to use phrases such as 'island of strangers' and not to scrap the two-child benefit cap were based on post-Brexit preconceptions of the electorate. He said: 'Certainly there were elements among the advisory team who had an overreaction to the reason for, and the consequence of, the Brexit referendum vote. I think that overreaction has lasted through till now. 'I don't think that they are reactionary individuals. I don't think they're frightened individuals. I think they have overreacted to a misinterpretation of what happened in 2016.' The former leader went on to suggest that Rachel Reeves, the Chancellor, should consider a wealth tax, citing as an example a two per cent levy on assets above £10 million. 'Property taxation in our country, asset taxation, is outdated,' he added, as he urged the party's senior figures to be bolder. 'There's a degree of steadiness from Keir which, on a good day, is very, very reassuring. However, that can translate into a paralytic caution. That means that this government, much as I love them – and they know I do – has got a kind of audacity deficit.' Lord Kinnock appeared at Sir Keir's victory speech on the morning of July 5, when the Prime Minister led the party to a landslide win.


The Sun
32 minutes ago
- The Sun
£4million a DAY migrant hotel bill will continue to spiral unless Labour does three things
Trip advisors THE woke brigade in the Home Office who spent years revolting against Tory efforts to curb illegal migration finally have an incentive to drop their opposition. Sensibly, Chancellor Rachel Reeves has said she will spare deep cuts in the department — and potential job losses — IF it saves money on the spiralling hotel bill for migrants. 1 And the faster Home Secretary Yvette Cooper's army of leftie civil servants meet these new targets, the more cash she can keep for other projects. Skint Britain forks out £4million every day to house people who largely have no right to be here. The problem is that the number of new arrivals isn't slowing down. Unless Labour ends the golden ticket to the El Dorado paradise of benefits, free housing and illegal work, that hotel bill will continue to rise. Reform act He has Labour pedalling leftwards over welfare and the Tories rightwards on immigration. The Reform leader's ear is well-tuned to discontent with the Government. A desire for real change has delivered control of local councils to his fledgling party for the first time. His problem now is how to show Reform can actually govern — without falling into mini-meltdowns like the ones caused by the exits of chairman Zia Yusuf and MP Rupert Lowe. Reform's surge has been stunning. But being a one-showman band will only get Farage so far. Court out COULD the days of the European Court of Human Rights ruling over our borders finally be numbered? Even the head of the European Council, which oversees the unelected court, is starting to accept it will have to adapt to the public's concerns. Leaders across Europe are waking up to the problems caused by mass migration and want urgent legal reform. And Tory leader Kemi Badenoch is ready to quit the court — as is Reform. Roll with it Apparently, it all kicked off in Tokyo after tourists saw a waxwork of Greggs' pastry snack at Madame Tussauds. No word yet on whether it tasted better than a vegan sausage roll.


Sky News
37 minutes ago
- Sky News
Scotland's Labour weren't the only winners in the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election
In the centre of Hamilton, stands the now derelict Bairds department store - a reminder of the past and a sign of the political present. Outside, people speak of a time when the high street was busy and the area buzzing. As in other areas of the country, the blame for this sense of decline is placed at the door of the established parties. "The SNP have done nothing for Hamilton… we need someone to do something and I'm not sure Labour will do it", said one woman stopping for a chat outside Belles Tearoom. Apathy once again prevails. But just over seven thousand people came up with a solution unusual for Scottish politics on Thursday. Nigel Farage. This by-election signals the arrival of Reform as an electoral force north of the border. From a standing start and with little in the way of campaigning infrastructure, the party finished just three percentage points behind the SNP. As he's become accustomed to in England, Nigel Farage ate up Tory votes here. But that does not account for the party's surge. "We took votes off all the parties… there's a huge surge of young people from the SNP, particularly young men, coming to us," said Thomas Kerr, a local Reform councillor and campaigner. For the party, this is explained by independence becoming less of a determinant of electoral support - and domestic issues like the cost of living and the NHS taking priority instead. It's just one factor that's causing traditional political axioms to be scrambled, chief among them - the assumption that Scots will never vote for Nigel Farage. His party can now be confident of picking up their first MSPs in next May's parliamentary elections. So for the established parties, this may all mean a strategic rethink. What is the politically expedient position on immigration in Scotland now? What of the socially liberal identity issues previously championed by the SNP? But there's a more fundamental tension, too. 2:57 Both the SNP and Labour ran campaigns casting this by-election as a two-horse race between them and Reform. The result clearly shows a three-way splintering. That could get messy in the world of coalitions that often comes from the proportionate voting system in Holyrood. For now though, Labour will take the win and try to use it to turn round their flagging ratings. This is no definite inflection point, though. Labour sources say the sophistication of their digital campaign in this race played a big role, with others pointing to the pull of a popular local candidate. But it's also worth remembering that before the SNP surge of 2015, this section of West Central Scotland would have been regarded as a Labour stronghold. It was painted red again last year, with convincing wins in the general election. So on paper, this could have been a tidying-up exercise for Labour. It speaks volumes about the party's wider standing that the win was so unexpected. SNP leader John Swinney may have a point when he says the close result shows his party making progress after the pummelling they took here just 11 months ago. There aren't any runner-up prizes in politics, though. Six hundred votes have denied the SNP a much-needed political shot in the arm and taught them they cannot just cruise to victory on the back of disdain for Sir Keir Starmer. Back in Hamilton, and Bairds is not the only monument of the past here. For the SNP, the town stands as an emblem of the electoral successes of yesteryear. A shock victory by Winnie Ewing in a 1967 by-election signalled the party's entry on to the political stage and triggered a rethink among their establishment rivals. It's an irony likely not lost on many in Scottish politics that Reform has used this slice of the central belt to do exactly the same thing.