
Fake brides have their own agenda in Ukraine native's heart-stopping ‘Endling'
Maria Reva creates beautiful, purposeful chaos. Informed by deep personal loss, her startling metafictional debut novel, 'Endling,' is a forceful mashup of storytelling modes that call attention to its interplay of reality and fiction — a Ukrainian tragicomedy of errors colliding with social commentary about the Russian invasion.
A poorly planned crime serves as the anchor. 'Endling' throws three strangers involved with Ukraine's for-profit international matchmaking market together for a quixotic kidnapping caper in a nation on the brink of war. There's a twisted, postmodern 'Canterbury Tales'-like quality to these proceedings: Like medieval pilgrims, its central characters are each on a journey they hope will change their lives. And everyone is suffering some level of delusion.
If 'Endling' has a main character, it's the woman whose mission is to save the nation's endangered snails; another key player is a lone wolf terrorist who hopes her political orchestrations will spark a family reunion. Then there's the lonely, disaffected expatriate bachelor on the hunt for a quiet, traditional wife. Through their perspectives, black humor flows freely, as the motivations and experiences that brought this motley crew together rise to the surface.
Context is crucial in 'Endling.' These characters cross paths early in 2022, when mass violence threatens to overwhelm every other concern. But despite the amassing of Russian troops on the border, the military invasion of Ukraine seems so surreal that no one knows what to believe or how much to fear. So these quests march on even as the crack of explosions grows louder.
The stories that emerge about our three key players are evocative, provocative and absurd — a contrast to looming darkness. Between those narratives, there are commentaries about the history and politics of Ukraine and on publishing and writing about Ukraine, plus the author's family and its plight at the time of the book's writing. As Reva, a native of Ukraine, writes in an early, epistolary section, in response to a magazine editor's critique of the irreverence of her solicited essay about the war: 'You'd asked for the type of reporting/response that would differ from that of a non-Ukrainian. In Ukraine, dark humor dates back to the Soviet days, giving people who live in uncontrollable circumstances a sense of power. If you can laugh about a dark reality, you rise above it, etc.'
No story better exemplifies that ethos than that of the teenage fake bride turned kidnapper who aches for her mother. Young, beautiful Nastia (a.k.a. Anastasia) — just 18 years old and six months past high school graduation — brings the group together. Ostensibly to stop the exploitation of women, this daughter of a fierce feminist activist who has long protested the tourist marriage market resolves to make an unforgettable public statement by kidnapping 100 male clients of the matchmaking service 'Romeo and Yulia' at the start of one of its romance tours. Though the stunt is nominally aimed at exposing and ending degrading matchmaking practices, what Nastia really yearns for is her missing parent's attention. When Nastia decides that a mobile trailer van in the guise of an escape room would be the perfect means of the men's abduction, she begs Yeva, a fellow bride in possession of an RV, to rent it to her.
Like Nastia, Yeva is a 'bride' with an agenda. A scientist who's lost her grant funding, Yeva uses the marriage mart grift to sustain her life's work. Her story exemplifies the mercenary nature of the international marriage market. While Romeo and Yulia's 'brides,' as the women are called, aren't paid a salary, they regularly receive gifts from suitors. In exchange for allowing the agency to use her as 'shimmering bait' on the website, women like Yeva 'could also return tour after tour and, without bending any rules, make decent money. In fact, the agency endorsed the practice: any gifts ordered by bachelors through the agency — gym membership, cooking class, customizable charm bracelet — could be redeemed by the brides for cash from the agency office.'
Yeva's story gives the novel a melancholy moral center. And it's from Yeva's quest that the book derives its title: An 'endling' is the last individual in a dying species, the kind she is dedicated to protecting. After losing access to institutional support, Yeva equipped the trailer as a roaming laboratory and storage site where (at the peak) she sustained over 270 species of rare gastropods. Though she prefers mollusks to men, it's Yeva who insists on reducing the kidnapping target from 100 to 12, a number that the trailer could humanely accommodate.
Pasha, one of the men Nastia lures to the trailer, has his own ambitions. Born in Ukraine and raised in Canada, Pasha's secret is that he doesn't plan to return to the West with his bride like the other clients. Instead, he fantasizes about resettling in the Ukraine and forging a life that might command the respect he craves from his parents. Pasha is the sympathetic face of Western men beguiled by nostalgia for 'traditional' wives unsullied by feminism and high expectations. His motives are sincere even if his relationship with women and his family might be better served through therapy.
'Endling' isn't an easy read, but it is brilliant and heart-stopping. Authorial interludes can feel like interruptions, but by breaking the fourth wall, Reva forces us to pay attention to the ongoing devastation behind the narrative while unpacking the compromises of storytelling. Plus, Yeva, Nastia and Pasha and the merchants of romance spin their own fictions: They have trouble telling the difference between truth and make-believe even as the sounds of war grow near and even when bullets penetrate flesh.
This building up and breaking down of artifice forces reflection on how we use fiction to explore and bend reality while undermining the comforts of distance. As the author confesses, 'I need to keep fact and fiction straight, but they keep blurring together.'
Bell is a critic and media researcher exploring culture, politics and identity in art.
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The Hill
18 minutes ago
- The Hill
ICE moves to dismiss cases in bid to fast-track deportations after courthouse arrests
As Vadzim Baluty watched his son Aliaksandr Baluty get arrested by six plainclothes U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers directly after an immigration court hearing, he had the sinking feeling he'd made a costly mistake. Vadzim Baluty, accompanying his son for his first court appearance in his asylum bid, agreed last month when an ICE prosecutor offered to drop the case against the recent Belarusian migrant, not realizing his son would be swiftly detained as soon as the pair exited the courtroom. 'I felt like we had fallen into a judicial trap,' he said in Russian through an interpreter in an interview with The Hill. 'We left the courtroom and an ICE officer told us our son was going to be deported in three days. Nobody told us the decision that we made — what it was going to cause.' ICE prosecutors across the country are increasingly moving to dismiss cases against migrants in a bid to fast track their deportations. While a dismissal might seem like the end of a battle to remain in the county, some leaving courthouses have instead been met by ICE agents who are then free to arrest them and place them in expedited removal proceedings, speeding their deportation without a court hearing. Rekha Sharma-Crawford, an immigration lawyer and board member with the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) called it a 'bait and switch.' 'The troubling thing here is that people are doing the right thing and going to court. They hear what they think is great news, that their case is dismissed. But instead, they are subject to a bait and switch and a plainclothes ICE agent will then arrest them. They are detained and then they are pressured to sign documents that basically sign away all of their rights, and they are subject to expedited removal and don't have a chance for a full and fair hearing,' she said in a call with reporters. Vadzim Baluty, a 47-year-old Belarusian political activist who was granted asylum in 2022 after fleeing the Lukashenko dictatorship, thought ICE was aware of his petition to bring his children to the country. He also didn't think Aliaksandr Baluty, now 21, would be deported after entering the country legally. His son was permitted to enter the U.S. through Mexico after waiting in the country seven months for an appointment made through the Biden-era CBP One app. Such a dynamic has only become possible with the shift from the Trump administration, which has expanded the scope of expedited removals. While the process previously was used only for migrants within two weeks of their entering the country and within 100 miles of the border, the Trump administration now allows the tool to be used up to two years after a person enters the U.S. regardless of where they are in the country. Critics call the move an end run around due process and fault the administration for using ICE officers who are often not in uniform and may be wearing masks. Rep. Dan Goldman (D-N.Y.) went to an immigration courthouse in his district last week, sitting in on court proceedings and witnessing ICE prosecutors dismiss cases followed by migrants being arrested by plainclothes agents as they exited — something he called 'Gestapo-like behavior.' 'The Department of Homeland Security has implemented, over the last week, a coordinated effort to do an end run around our legal system in order to remove nonviolent, noncriminal immigrants trying to come into this country through a lawful pathway of immigration proceedings, and in many cases, asylum proceedings,' he said at a press conference afterward. 'By recommending dismissal of their cases, the Department of Homeland Security is essentially taking jurisdiction away from the court, removing the asylum application from going forward, and then allowing the immigration agents to arrest these people and put them in a deportation proceeding under a different authority than the one that they just dismissed, which has fewer rights and applies in very few circumstances.' Sharma-Crawford said it's especially confusing for pro se litigants — those representing themselves in court. Not only are they being approached by plainclothes officers, but they may not know what to do next. Those placed in expedited removal are not entitled to a hearing, but they can request an interview with an asylum officer if they fear they will be persecuted if returned to their home country. If they pass that screening, their case could be returned to immigration court. Vadzim Baluty has since hired attorney Malinda Schmiechen to represent his son, who asked for the credible fear interview that would route his case back into the immigration court system. Aliaksandr Baluty told them how during a visit to register for the mandatory draft, military officials in the country made a veiled comment about his father and said they were going to teach him to 'love the motherland.' Another officer in the room said, 'You will be in the army for your father.' 'The draft officer said that I — in the army — I would be punished for my father,' Aliaksandr Baluty told an asylum officer, according to a transcript of the interview his attorney shared with The Hill. At his father's advice, Aliaksandr Baluty fled that night to nearby Georgia. Military officials later showed up at his mother's house with a forged conscription document, saying they would prosecute him as a draft dodger. Schmiechen was informed Thursday night, however, that an asylum officer rejected the claim, calling it 'a betrayal all around.' 'I feel like this is a betrayal against our law, against the America that is a sanctuary for so many, and against young Aliaksandr, who fled for his life and seeks to live peacefully with his family,' Schmiechen told The Hill. 'It's a betrayal because the government attorneys betrayed the law with their motion to dismiss, knowing that it would lead to Aliaksandr's detention. It's a betrayal because the American government is using taxpayer money unnecessarily to detain Aliaksandr, and it's a betrayal to Aliaksandr, whose detention is treating him like a criminal, though he's not one.' The arrests come as the GOP at large has vented frustration at the immigration court system, where cases can languish in a years-long backlog. The Department of Homeland Security defended the courthouse arrests as well as their use of expedited removal. 'Most aliens who illegally entered the United States within the past two years are subject to expedited removals. Biden ignored this legal fact and chose to release millions of illegal aliens, including violent criminals, into the country with a notice to appear before an immigration judge. ICE is now following the law and placing these illegal aliens in expedited removal, as they always should have been,' the department said in a statement. 'If they have a valid credible fear claim, they will continue in immigration proceedings, but if no valid claim is found, aliens will be subject to a swift deportation.' Goldman also criticized ICE for using plainclothes officers, saying that in his observations, agents had printed out photos of those they would be arresting and were often wearing masks. 'When I asked them, 'Why are you wearing a mask?' One person told me, 'Because it's cold.' I asked him if he would testify to that under oath, and he walked away and wouldn't respond to me,' he said. 'Another person admitted that they were wearing masks so that they are not caught on video. And my question to them is: 'If what you are doing is legitimate, is lawful, is totally aboveboard, why do you need to cover your face?'' Schmiechen said she's working quickly to explore other options for Aliaksandr Baluty, including requesting that his credible fear claims be reviewed by an immigration court judge. If that doesn't work, she's planning to make a filing in federal court. 'I just feel like we don't have much time at this point,' she said. To Vadzim Baluty, the whole episode has chilling parallels with what he experienced in Belarus. 'This is how it began,' he said. The arrest of his son, just feet from the courthouse doors, happened in less than 60 seconds and left him in shock. He said he never imagined the words 'stop prosecution' could have led to 'expulsion from the country and separation of father and son.' 'Everything is starting to remind us that we are not in a free country. What is happening today is vaguely reminiscent of the birth of a dictatorship, when they categorically begin to solve the political issue at the moment with immigration,' he said. 'I don't feel safe now. None of the immigrants feel safe in the U.S.'

Miami Herald
an hour ago
- Miami Herald
Ukraine rejects claim Russian forces enter key central region
Kyiv's armed forces rejected as "disinformation" Russia's claim that its ground troops have crossed into Ukraine's Dnipropetrovsk region for the first time, even as prospects for a U.S.-brokered ceasefire remain elusive. Separately, Ukraine and Russia continued testy exchanges over the details of a planned large prisoner swap agreed to during last week's talks in Turkey. The exchange is likely to move ahead in the coming days. Russia's defense ministry said Sunday that units of its 90th tank regiment had crossed the western administrative border of Donetsk into neighboring Dnipropetrovsk, in what would be a symbolic milestone in their years-long offensive. In response, Ukraine's southern defense forces said its troops were "holding their section of the front" while involved in a situation that, while "tense," is still contained within the Donetsk region. At issue is the potential advance by Moscow's land forces into one of Ukraine's most populous and industrialized areas. The value of reaching the edge of the region appears mostly symbolic, as Kremlin troops are still more than 140 kilometers (87 miles) away from the regional capital of Dnipro, which is also protected by the river of the same name and its system of estuaries. Yet creeping farther west could fuel the aggressive posture taken by President Vladimir Putin, who's sticking with maximalist goals in Ukraine while resisting U.S. President Donald Trump's efforts to bring him to the negotiating table. Dnipro is Ukraine's fourth-largest city, behind Kyiv, Kharkiv and Odesa, with a pre-war population of about 1 million people. Before the war's start, Dnipropetrovsk was Ukraine's second most populated region after Donetsk, and is the second-largest territory by land mass after the Odesa region. It's home to a major steel industry, coal mining and machine building and is an important logistics hub for the army. A few days ago, Kremlin forces were estimated to be about 2 kilometers from the provincial border. The advance takes place at a time Russia has recently seized small amounts of territory in Ukraine's far northeast. It also brings the war onto the soil of two provinces which so far haven't been officially earmarked for annexation by Putin. The Russian leader has demanded that Kyiv surrender all of the Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson provinces, which Russia illegally annexed in 2022 but doesn't fully control. That's in addition to Crimea, which Kremlin forces illegally annexed in 2014. Russia's slow-going ground war has picked up speed again. Kremlin units in recent days have been advancing closer to the regional capital of Sumy in Ukraine's northeast. Parts of the Sumy region were occupied during Russia's 2022 full-scale invasion, and liberated in a Ukrainian counteroffensive. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said last week that Russia's renewed focus on the Sumy region was "not a surprise" for the Ukrainian army, which is doing its best to repel the advance. Sumy's regional governor said Sunday there was no need for an emergency evacuation of residents, according to the public broadcaster Suspilne. Ukraine's coordination headquarters for the treatment of POWs on Sunday said "everything is moving according to plan" to move ahead with a major prisoner swap agreed on June 2, which will also include the return of bodies of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers held in Russia. Russia on Saturday suggested Ukraine was to blame for delays in starting the exchange. _____ Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.


The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
Zelensky says he understands Putin ‘much better' than Trump
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said Ukrainian officials understand Russian leader Vladimir Putin 'much better' than President Trump, who has repeatedly said Putin wants peace, even as he rejects U.S. proposals for a ceasefire. 'With all due respect to President Trump, I think it's just his personal opinion,' Zelensky told Martha Raddatz on ABC's 'This Week' in an interview that aired Sunday morning. 'Trust me, we understand the Russians much better, the mentality of the Russians, than the Americans understand the Russians. I know for sure Putin doesn't want to stop the war.' Zelensky also took issue with Trump's comments in the Oval Office this week comparing Ukraine and Russia to children fighting. 'We are not playing in the park with the Russians like two boys, two kids. Putin is not a kid,' Zelenskyy said. 'So we can't compare and we cannot say okay, let them fight for a while.' 'And it's not about President Trump,' he added. 'Anyone living thousands of miles away can't fully understand the pain, even parents who live in Ukraine cannot feel the pain of those who lost their children.' Ukraine stunned Russia last weekend with drone attacks on Russian air bases, which it said destroyed dozens of bombers. The drones were smuggled into Russia on 18-wheeler trucks, which were parked near military bases and remotely opened ahead of the attack. Trump spoke with Putin on Wednesday, telling reporters that Russia planned to retaliate for the drone strikes. Russia killed five people in Ukraine in drone attacks the next day. Raddatz asked Zelensky if he believed that Trump thinks Russia is winning the war. 'I think he's publicly said about it, and I know that he shared this information with some people around him, and I think the separation — and I said it a lot of times, it's not true. It's not a victory when you spent, really spent one million people,' he said. Zelensky added that Trump 'must' impose stronger sanctions on Russia. Trump this week said he had yet to look at Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) Russia sanctions bill, which is co-sponsored by more than 80 senators, but said senators would not move without his blessing. Senators in both parties are itching for the green light. Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) told reporters that the bill could hit the floor during the current four-week work period. '[The White House is] still hopeful they'll be able to strike some sort of a deal, but … there's a high level of interest here in the Senate on both sides of the aisle in moving on it,' he said. 'I think a genuine interest in doing something to make clear to Russia that they need to come to the table … I think that would have a big impact.'