
Oradour-in-Algeria, Nazism is Pupil of Colonialism
A few days ago, a remnant of the French far-right dreamers of a 'French Algeria,' revolted against journalist and historian Jean-Michel Aphatie, because he claimed that the French occupation army had committed hundreds of 'Oradour-sur-Glane' in Algeria, a reference to a massacre committed by Nazi Germany against the French during World War II.
As is well known, Aphatie's remarks led to his resignation from RTL radio station. However, it was not the first of its kind in modern French history. French historian Alain Ruscio established this fact by finding a document confirming Jean-Michel Aphatie's statement. The document dates back to 1945, when the French occupation army committed one of its most heinous crimes in Algeria: the events of May 8, 1945.
Historian Alain Ruscio wrote an investigation published by the Colonial and Postcolonial History Association, titled 'Colonial Oradour': A Recurring Accusation After 1945.' In it, he compared the numerous condemnations of French colonial crimes and Nazi crimes in Oradour-sur-Glane.
Alain Ruscio says: 'The outcry and angry protests against journalist Jean-Michel Aphatie's statements regarding the 'numerous massacres' committed by the French army during the invasion of Algeria raise questions. The prevailing theme was: French soldiers are incapable of doing this. However, while historical memory is lost among many of our contemporaries, starting with politicians (the example of Florence Portelli, elected by Le Pen's party, is significant) and the specialists in all things who have presented themselves to the groups, the writings remain. The truth is that the similarities between colonial and Nazi practices began with the tragic era of colonialism, and not only among left-wing ideologues or politicians.'
The French historian spoke about numerous French crimes similar to those of Nazi Germany, asking: 'How many Oradors were there in Indochina?' (Vietnam)? In 1950, in the colony of Madagascar, which was described as a 'disgusting war,' the French occupation army brutally suppressed the Malagasy people's revolution.
However, the most heinous and horrific massacres occurred in Algeria, particularly after the outbreak of the Algerian Revolution. The study noted the destruction of the village of Ain Melila, which Les Temps Moderne magazine described as Algeria's 'Oradour.' The study stated: 'In August 1955, the Constantine region was shaken by the outbreak of the rebellion (the Algerian Revolution). The Algerian people, who clearly remember the massacres committed in the region ten years earlier, carried out assassinations. 171 Europeans were killed. The repression was brutal and widespread. A figure of 10,000 victims has been estimated.'
On September 5, 1955, the daily newspaper Libération, then run by Emmanuel d'Astier de La Vigerie, published Robert Merle's testimony, in which he denounced the blind repression: 'For every European killed, 10 or 20 Arabs are shot to death without trial,' the study added. 'World public opinion has every right to fear the presence of 'Oradorians' in Algeria and that we are heading towards a war of racial extermination.'
On October 12, 1955, Socialist MP Mustapha Ben Bahmed took to the podium of the National Assembly (the lower house of the French Parliament) to say: 'In Douar Ait Kezine, a mixed town in Akbou (eastern Algiers), after a bulldozer was destroyed by the Mujahideen (freedom fighters), a French officer arrived with a detachment, carrying a list'.
'He rounded up eleven people, including a ten-year-old boy who refused to leave his father, and shot them near their village. Here, the Interior Minister (Editor's note: Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury) could not deny facts that went far beyond what happened in Oradour-sur-Glane', he added.
Alain Ruscio asserted that 'during this war, there were countless outcries of protest, highlighting the similarities to Nazi crimes (which were present in everyone's memory at the time, especially the memories of former resistance fighters). Starting with Germaine Tillion: 'In 1957, in Algeria, there were practices resembling those of the Nazis.''
In the face of these brutal massacres, academics and activists, including Pierre-Henri Simon, a literature professor at the Catholic University of Lille, issued a warning: 'The French must know that they no longer have the right to condemn the perpetrators of Oradour and the Gestapo (Nazi German intelligence) executioners with the same terms they used ten years ago.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


El Chorouk
2 days ago
- El Chorouk
A report on the 1968 Agreement on the French Parliament's Agenda
After a period of unannounced calm between Algeria and France, new developments suggest a return to high tensions between the two capitals, further indicating of the failure of all attempts at de-escalation. What's striking is that the French side, as usual, always initiates escalation, hoping to achieve gains through political pressure. This approach has proven ineffective over the past 11 months of escalating political and diplomatic crisis. What's even more interesting about this issue is that those fanning the flames of the crisis are not limited to the far right or individuals obsessed with Algeria, such as Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau. They also belong to the presidential camp, specifically the 'Renaissance' party, founded by French President Emmanuel Macron to reach the Élysée Palace. In this context, two MPs from the ruling party, Mathieu Lefèvre and Charles Rodwell, have prepared a report on 'Evaluating the Cost of the 1968 Agreement' on immigration between Algeria and France. The conclusions of this report will be presented to the French Parliament in early July, a development that could spark further controversy and heighten tensions between the two countries. The 1968 agreement is a sensitive issue that has been a source of tension between Algeria and Paris. The French far right and their new theorist, former ambassador to Algeria Xavier Driencourt, have used it as a Trojan horse to pressure successive Macron governments to abolish it. They argue that the agreement offers exclusive privileges to Algerian citizens in terms of residence, employment, education, and the pursuit of liberal activities. These descriptions no longer hold any credibility in light of the amendments introduced to it from the mid-1980s to the beginning of the third millennium. According to the French newspaper Le Parisien, MP Charles Rodville insists that the report's purpose is to shed light on what he considers 'financial abuses, particularly in the files of social assistance and health protection, which also affect the security of French citizens, as some deported Algerian citizens remain on French soil to this day.' He is referring here to the expenses his country incurs on migrants who have been issued deportation orders and whom Algeria has refused to receive due to France's failure to follow the usual diplomatic procedures and channels in such cases. The MP Mathieu Lefèvre argued that this report also aims to revive debate on this issue, which had been largely absent since French President Emmanuel Macron decided to close it last March. This came in response to repeated demands from his Interior Minister, Bruno Retailleau, regarding the issue. Retailleau asserted that the 1968 agreement remains the exclusive prerogative of the Élysée Palace (the French presidency) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, headed by Jean-Noël Barrot. The affiliation of the two MPs who prepared the report on the 1968 agreement with French President Emmanuel Macron's party is a strong indication that the targeting of Algeria and its vital interests in France is no longer limited to parties accustomed to such behaviour, such as the traditional right and the far right, but has spread across the French political class, except the left-wing movement under the New National Front (NFP), representing a dangerous development that threatens to deepen the escalating political and diplomatic crisis, which is approaching the end of its first year. Reviving the debate in the French parliament on the 1968 immigration agreement could lead to serious escalations targeting the Algerian community in France, which numbers in the millions. The presidential camp, represented by the 'Renaissance' party, will bear full responsibility, as previous tensions are usually attributed to the far right, known for its intense hostility toward Algeria and its community.


El Chorouk
04-06-2025
- El Chorouk
Debate on Colonial Crimes and Their Impact on the Algerian-French Crisis
In line with the French historian of Algerian origin, Benjamin Stora, who argues that the memory file can help ease tensions between Algeria and Paris, two countries experiencing an unprecedented political and diplomatic crisis, the French capital is hosting a debate on the French colonization of Algeria and its impact on the current disputes between the two capitals. The roundtable discussion will take place on June 14 in Paris, under the title 'The French Colonisation's Past in Algeria and the Current Diplomatic Dispute Between the Two Countries.' It will feature well-known historians, academics, and journalists in France, including Alain Riscio (historian), Jean-Pierre Sereni (journalist at Orient XXI), a French historian of Algerian origin, Nedjib Sidi Moussa, sociologist Aïssa Kadri, jurist Mouloud Boumgar, and moderated by the Egyptian journalist (PhD in French Literature) and editor in chief of the leading newspaper of the Arab and Muslim community. The round table discussion is prepared and organised by the Association for Colonial and Postcolonial History, in collaboration with Orient XXI magazine and , to 'decode the current crisis between France and Algeria.' The Association for Colonial and Postcolonial History is known for its tireless efforts to combat colonialist ideology and call for rectifying the disasters of colonialism by offering an apology to the peoples affected by it. Organisers open the debate for the public with free admission at the International Centre for Popular Culture in Paris, on Saturday, June 14, from 3 p.m. to 5 p.m. The title of this debate highlights the extent of the impact that France's colonial past has had on Algeria, which has been escalating since last summer. The work of the mixed committee on memory was halted, coinciding with Algeria's recall of its ambassador, Mohamed-Antar Daoud, from Paris, following French President Emmanuel Macron's shift in position on the Western Sahara issue. A few days ago, historian Benjamin Stora, who chairs the French Memory Commission, said that the memory issue 'represents a possible way out of the crisis, and is indispensable in any case, and necessary in any case, because we cannot consider the Algerian history to be like all others.' On this occasion, he called for working towards a quick settlement: 'We need strong initiatives, especially regarding the issue of the French colonisation of Algeria in the nineteenth century. But today, in my opinion, considering the possibility of launching initiatives on memory could serve as an alternative to resuming political relations, which is necessary to resolve immigration or visa issues.' Benjamin Stora is presented as an advisor to the French president on memory matters. He has previously blamed the French side for the ongoing tensions, accusing Macron personally of causing the crisis in a previous interview with France 24, where he stated: 'First, it is important to note that French President Emmanuel Macron's statement regarding the Moroccan regime's (alleged) sovereignty over the Sahrawi territories has added fuel to the fire.' Since the outbreak of the crisis, French officials have not stopped demanding the resumption of work on the memory file. However, the Algerian side has shown no response. Rather, it has raised its demands for the return of all the looted Algerian archives in French vaults, as stated by the head of the Algerian memory commission, Mohamed Zeghidi. The possibility of resuming work on this file appeared on the horizon after the visit that led the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jean-Noël Barrot, to Algeria on April 6th. However, the recklessness of Bruno Retailleau, the Interior Minister in the government of François Bayrou, by kidnapping an Algerian consular employee in a Parisian street outside diplomatic norms, brought the crisis back to square one. This incident also revealed the existence of a real crisis in the decision-making circles in Paris, and that the French President had lost control of things, even if some tried to talk about a well-crafted scenario for exchanging political roles in relations with the former colony.


El Chorouk
03-06-2025
- El Chorouk
The fragmentation of decision-making sources in Paris portends something more dangerous
The words and actions of the French authorities do not entirely align when it comes to relations with Algeria. While both French President Emmanuel Macron and his Foreign Minister, Jean-Noël Barrot, claim to be keen on relations with Algeria, other French institutions adopt a different approach, leading to doubts about the intentions of decision-makers in Paris. A statement from the Algerian Council of the Nation, headed by Mr. Azzouz Nasseri, addressed to its French counterpart following the latter's repeated provocations towards Algeria, confirmed that the French authorities do not intend to put bilateral relations back on track, as long as there are responsible parties in Paris working to sabotage these relations. When an Algerian stance is issued that sovereignly defends the Algerian state, voices rise in the former colony, condemning what they consider 'Algeria's insult to France,' a famous phrase uttered by French Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau last January, when an Algerian national was deported outside the laws and diplomatic norms in force between the two countries, which are governed by bilateral agreements. Days after the French Senate received the terrorist fugitive from Algerian justice, Ferhat Mehenni, for the second time in less than a month, some French circles emerged lamenting what they claimed were the pressures faced by the French embassy in Algeria, exactly as happened after Algeria expelled 12 employees from the French embassy in Algiers, in response to the showy arrest of an Algerian consular official in Paris, outside of laws and norms. The French are now talking about pressures they claim their embassy and its annexes in Algeria are facing, in the latest leak from an unnamed French diplomat, reported by Le Monde on Tuesday, June 3, in an article titled: 'The French Embassy in Algeria is under pressure and restriction.' The French newspaper quotes the diplomat as saying: 'The Algerian authorities operate according to verbal notes, according to current diplomatic terms. Messages written by the embassy are sent to one entity, which is the Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.' The same source claims: 'During periods of peace in bilateral relations, fax replies only arrived in half of the cases, without anyone knowing whether that was due to bad faith or simply due to local administrative shortcomings, so imagine what that means in times of crisis!' The same source also spoke about the isolation experienced by the embassy's economic center, 'Business France,' which has an office there. It is deprived, the source adds, of official relations, and therefore cannot organize professional meetings or discuss investment projects, while its role is limited to analyzing the development of the Algerian market without any influence on stakeholders, especially in light of economic deterioration and a 21 percent decline in French exports to Algeria in the first quarter of 2025. They also lament the halt of cultural activities affiliated with the embassy, the difficulty of obtaining visas for French artists wishing to perform in Algeria, and the restriction on the French language, through the shift to teaching medicine and pharmacy in English instead of French, and before that, the cessation of police and judicial cooperation between the two countries. However, they ignore the reasons that led to this situation, after the visit of French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot to Algeria on April 6, which had re-established bridges of communication between the two countries at all levels. The only entity that remained unaffected by the restrictions, according to Le Monde, is the French consulate, which continues to respond to civil status requests, ensure consular protection for French citizens, and process visa applications submitted by individuals, according to the diplomatic source, who warned that this crisis, if it continues, could lead to 'structural effects on the relationship between France and Algeria,' in his words.