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Yahoo
26 minutes ago
- Yahoo
The "Magnificent Seven" Are Still Growing Faster Than the Rest of the S&P 500. Here's When That Could Change, According to Wall Street Analysts.
The "Magnificent Seven" produced far better earnings growth than the rest of the market in the first quarter. Amazon and Alphabet were the biggest contributors to the outperformance. Investors will have to consider valuation as the rest of the market catches up with the Magnificent Seven. 10 stocks we like better than Nvidia › The S&P 500 (SNPINDEX: ^GSPC) has produced phenomenal returns over the last two and a half years since the bottom of the 2022 bear market. The index is up nearly 70% since Oct. 2022, but much of that gain has been driven by just a handful of stocks. The "Magnificent Seven" have, for the most part, outperformed the benchmark over that period, and there's a clear reason why. As a group, the Magnificent Seven have produced much better earnings growth than the rest of the S&P 500. Not only that, they've consistently beaten high earnings expectations. That trend continued in the first quarter, but analysts are starting to think their phenomenal run of outperforming everything else in the market may come to an end soon. Here's what investors need to know. After Nvidia (NASDAQ: NVDA) released its quarterly earnings on May 28, FactSet reported the Magnificent Seven grew earnings 27.7% in aggregate. That massively outperformed analysts' expectations of 16.0% earnings growth for the group. Here's how it breaks down: Amazon (NASDAQ: AMZN): $1.59 earnings per share (EPS) vs. $1.36 expected, up 62% year over year. Alphabet (NASDAQ: GOOG) (NASDAQ: GOOGL): $2.81 EPS vs. $2.01 expected, up 49% year over year. Meta Platforms: $6.43 EPS vs. $5.22 expected, up 37% year over year. Nvidia: $0.81 EPS vs. $0.75 expected, up 33% year over year. Microsoft: $3.46 EPS vs. $3.22 expected, up 18% year over year. Apple: $1.65 EPS vs. $1.62 expected, up 8% year over year. Tesla (NASDAQ: TSLA): $0.27 EPS vs. $0.41 expected, down 40% year over year. Six out of the seven outperformed expectations, and five of them grew earnings faster than the other 493 companies in the S&P 500 (9.4%). But as you can see, the level of outperformance and year-over-year growth varies widely from company to company. The weakest showing was most obviously from Tesla, which has suffered from political backlash against CEO Elon Musk, combined with rising competition from Chinese automaker BYD. As a result, deliveries dropped 13% year over year in the first quarter while average selling price also declined. The company's ramp-up in AI spending to support its forthcoming autonomous vehicle efforts also weighed on earnings results. On the other side of the spectrum, Amazon and Alphabet exhibited impressive earnings growth on the back of their cloud-computing businesses. Amazon Web Services grew sales 17% year over year, while its margin expanded to 39.5% (up from 37.6% a year ago). Google Cloud grew sales 28% with its operating margin expanding to 17.8% from 9.4% a year ago. The high-margin Google advertising business continued to produce strong growth as well. Nvidia felt the pain of restrictions on sales of its GPUs to China, but the company still managed to produce very strong earnings growth last quarter. Without the impact of the write-off in excess inventory and purchase obligations of its H20 GPUs designed for China and the related tax impact, earnings growth would have been 57% . Though Tesla is the only one showing weakness at the moment, the rest of the group's outperformance isn't going to last forever. While analysts expect the group to continue beating the rest of the market in terms of earnings growth through the end of 2025, difficult comparisons and better performance among the rest of the stocks in the S&P 500 could present a challenge for 2026. As such, analysts currently forecast first-quarter 2026 earnings growth of 10.2% for the Magnificent Seven as a group, but the rest of the 493 companies will generate an average of 10.3% earnings growth. That forecast has some important implications for investors, even if it ultimately proves inaccurate (as is almost always the case for forecasts a year out). The first is investors will need to be more discriminating among the seven stocks going forward. We've already seen Tesla stock falter, and Apple, despite beating expectations, has seen its stock hit hard by tariff pressure. Even if investors expect strong results from one of the businesses going forward, valuation will matter more as earnings growth slows down. Alphabet is currently the only member of the group with a forward price-to-earnings ratio below 25 (it sports an extremely attractive 18.5x multiple). The second is that there may be a lot more growth opportunities among the smaller members of the S&P 500. While analysts expect growth for the group to continue trailing the Magnificent Seven through the end of the year, that won't be true of every company. It's possible to find those companies trading at a fair value despite strong growth prospects outside of the Magnificent Seven. Another option is to buy an equal-weight S&P 500 index fund like the Invesco S&P 500 Equal Weight ETF (NYSEMKT: RSP). The fund invests evenly across all 500 constituents of the S&P 500, rebalancing on a quarterly basis. That ensures you capture just as much upside from smaller businesses as you do from the biggest companies in the index. As the tide turns and we start to see more parity in the market, investors should expect a stronger showing over the next year (or longer) from smaller names in the stock market. Meanwhile, many of the Magnificent Seven are starting to look expensive relative to their future earnings growth prospects as analysts' expectations come down. It may be worth selling off some to invest in new opportunities. Before you buy stock in Nvidia, consider this: The Motley Fool Stock Advisor analyst team just identified what they believe are the for investors to buy now… and Nvidia wasn't one of them. The 10 stocks that made the cut could produce monster returns in the coming years. Consider when Netflix made this list on December 17, 2004... if you invested $1,000 at the time of our recommendation, you'd have $653,702!* Or when Nvidia made this list on April 15, 2005... if you invested $1,000 at the time of our recommendation, you'd have $870,207!* Now, it's worth noting Stock Advisor's total average return is 988% — a market-crushing outperformance compared to 172% for the S&P 500. Don't miss out on the latest top 10 list, available when you join . See the 10 stocks » *Stock Advisor returns as of June 9, 2025 John Mackey, former CEO of Whole Foods Market, an Amazon subsidiary, is a member of The Motley Fool's board of directors. Suzanne Frey, an executive at Alphabet, is a member of The Motley Fool's board of directors. Randi Zuckerberg, a former director of market development and spokeswoman for Facebook and sister to Meta Platforms CEO Mark Zuckerberg, is a member of The Motley Fool's board of directors. Adam Levy has positions in Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, Meta Platforms, and Microsoft. The Motley Fool has positions in and recommends Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, Meta Platforms, Microsoft, Nvidia, and Tesla. The Motley Fool recommends BYD Company and recommends the following options: long January 2026 $395 calls on Microsoft and short January 2026 $405 calls on Microsoft. The Motley Fool has a disclosure policy. The "Magnificent Seven" Are Still Growing Faster Than the Rest of the S&P 500. Here's When That Could Change, According to Wall Street Analysts. was originally published by The Motley Fool
Atlantic
29 minutes ago
- Atlantic
In Minnesota, America's Luck Ran Out
Early this morning, a gunman apparently impersonating a police officer targeted two Democratic Minnesota state lawmakers in their homes. First, he shot State Senator John Hoffman and his wife, who were seriously wounded. Law-enforcement officials believe the same gunman then shot Melissa Hortman, who served as Minnesota's speaker of the House from 2019 to 2024. She was killed, along with her husband, Mark. In September 2023, shortly after Donald Trump yet again encouraged direct political violence against his opponents, I wrote this: 'As a political scientist who studies political violence across the globe, I would chalk up the lack of high-profile assassinations in the United States during the Trump and post-Trump era to dumb luck … Eventually, all luck runs out.' That luck has now run out, in an idyllic Minneapolis suburb. Although details are still emerging, law-enforcement officials are searching for a former appointee of Democratic Governor Tim Walz in connection with the killings, which Walz called 'politically motivated.' The gunman reportedly had a manifesto and a list of targets that included the names of other Minnesota politicians as well as abortion providers in the state. Law-enforcement authorities intercepted but were not able to arrest the shooter shortly after he assassinated Hortman. Had they not, it's possible that he would have made his way to the homes of other Minnesota officials, trying to murder them too. Political violence—and assassinations in particular—are notoriously difficult to predict, precisely because the violence is often carried out by 'lone wolf' attackers. Just one deranged zealot is sufficient to carry out an act of consequential violence. In a country of 340 million people and even more guns, there will always be a small pool of potential killers eager to wreak havoc on the political system. That's why researchers who study political violence, including myself, try to understand what elevates or reduces the risk of violence, even if it can never be fully eradicated. In a context such as the United States, three key factors stand out: easy access to deadly weapons, intense polarization that paints political opponents as treasonous enemies rather than disagreeing compatriots, and incitements to political violence from high-profile public figures. When you combine those three social toxins, the likelihood of political violence increases, even as it remains impossible to predict who will be targeted or when attacks might be carried out. Again, law-enforcement officials still don't know the attacker's precise motivations, and trying to draw conclusions from any single act of political violence is foolish. Because they are rare, randomness plays a role in these instances, and many perpetrators are mentally unwell. But consider this comparison. Although we can't say that climate change caused a specific hurricane, we know that climate change produces stronger hurricanes. Similarly, we may not be able to draw a direct link from rhetoric to a specific act of violence, but we do know that incitements to violence make killings more likely. The United States has repeatedly refused to do anything about easy access to deadly weapons, despite having, by far, the highest rate of mass killings among developed democracies. As a result, the only feasible levers are reducing polarization and stopping high-profile incitements to commit violence. Instead, during the Trump era, polarization has sharply increased. And over the past decade, Trump himself has been the most dangerous political actor in terms of routinely inciting violence against his opponents, including against specific politicians who could become assassination targets. Such incitements matter. When a person with a massive public platform spreads information that encourages violence, attacks become more likely. From the April 2023 issue: Adrienne LaFrance on America's terrifying cycle of extremist violence From the beginning of his first campaign for president, Trump encouraged supporters to beat up hecklers at his rallies, saying he'd cover their legal bills if they ' knock the crap ' out of them. He floated the ideas of shooting looters, shooting shoplifters, and shooting migrants crossing the border. Trump also targeted the press, sharing a variety of violent memes involving specific outlets. He endorsed Greg Gianforte, now the governor of Montana, specifically because he violently attacked a reporter. ('Any guy that can do a body slam, he is my type,' Trump said, to cheers.) And, at the end of his first term, Trump's speech on the National Mall on January 6 doused an already incendiary environment, culminating in a violent attack on the U.S. Capitol building. Trump's rhetorical incitements to violence extend to politicians, too. He has called his political opponents ' human scum.' Even more worrying are Trump's endorsements of violence against specific Democrats. In 2016, he suggested that maybe there was something that ' Second Amendment people ' could do to deal with Hillary Clinton. In October 2022, when a QAnon disciple who had peddled Trump's lies about the 2020 election attempted to assassinate then–Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi—and fractured her husband's, Paul's, skull with a hammer—Trump made light of the incident. (His son Donald Trump Jr. posted a photo on Instagram of a hammer and a pair of underwear like the ones Paul Pelosi had been wearing during the attempted murder, with the caption: ' Got my Paul Pelosi Halloween costume ready.') Less than a year later, Trump openly mused that Mark Milley, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, should be killed. When such language becomes normalized, deranged individuals may interpret rhetoric as marching orders. In 2018, Cesar Sayoc, a die-hard Trump supporter, mailed 16 pipe bombs to people who frequently appeared as targets in Trump's tweets. (Nobody died, but only because Sayoc wasn't skilled at making bombs.) In 2020, Trump tweeted that people should 'LIBERATE MICHIGAN!' in response to its COVID policies. Thirteen days later, armed protesters entered the state capitol building. A right-wing plot to kidnap the governor, Gretchen Whitmer, was narrowly foiled months later. It also matters that Trump is one of the biggest vectors for spreading conspiracy theories and misinformation in the United States. When a major political figure disseminates lies about shadowy plots and treasonous acts carried out by the 'human scum' on the other side of the aisle, that can increase the likelihood of violence. (Several followers of QAnon, which Trump has repeatedly amplified himself, have carried out political violence based on the conspiracy theory.) Trump often makes a brief show of condemning political violence—as he has with the killings in Minnesota. While trying to play both the arsonist and the firefighter on social media, his actions in power make clear where his true loyalties lie, sending much stronger signals. One of his first official acts at the start of his second term was to pardon or grant clemency to people convicted for their involvement in the January 6 riots, including those who had violently attacked police officers and were targeting lawmakers. In recent weeks, Trump has floated the possibility of pardoning the far-right zealots who sought to kidnap Governor Whitmer in Michigan. The message is unmistakable: Use violence against my political opponents and there may be a pardon waiting. Joe Biden abused his pardon power to protect his son from tax-evasion charges. Donald Trump abused his pardon power to condone those who attacked cops and hoped to murder politicians. Both abuses were bad. But they are not the same. Trump, more than anyone, should be aware of the risks of political violence. After all, he narrowly escaped an assassin's bullet last summer. He would be dead, but for a gust of wind or a slightly different tilt of his head. But when that assassination attempt happened, Biden didn't mock it; Kamala Harris didn't float the idea of pardoning the assassin; and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries hadn't previously mused that Trump should be executed, or that he was human scum, or that Jeffries would pay the bills of people who used violence against Republicans. Neither party has a monopoly on the risks of political violence. Democrats and Republicans in public office are targets who face credible threats in a hyper-polarized political climate. Likewise, supporters of Democrats and supporters of Republicans are both capable of carrying out political violence. (There have also been a small number of statements by Democrats that could be interpreted as incitements to violence, including some by Representatives Maxine Waters of California and Dan Goldman of New York. Goldman apologized for his phrasing the following day.) The difference is that only one party is led by someone who uses his megaphone to routinely normalize and absolve acts of political violence. There is overwhelming evidence of this asymmetric rhetoric between those in party leadership. The United States is a fraying society, torn apart by polarization, intense disagreement, and ratcheting extremism. Cheap weapons of mass murder are readily available. And into that tinder box, Trump adds incendiary rhetoric. We don't know when or where the deadly conflagration will strike next, but more flames will no doubt come. We may still be shocked by tragic acts of political violence like the assassination in Minnesota, but we can no longer feign surprise.
Yahoo
30 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Military parade kick offs in US capital as protesters decry Trump
Tanks, troops and marching bands assembled in the US capital for a massive parade of American military power requested by President Donald Trump, a show that was met by thousands of Americans around the country displaying another kind of power: protest. Hours before the parade honouring the Army's 250th anniversary was set to start, demonstrators turned out in streets and parks around the nation to decry the Republican president as a dictator or would-be king. They criticised Trump for using the military to respond to those protesting his deportation efforts and for sending tanks, thousands of marching troops and military aircraft out for show in the US capital. In Washington DC, anti-war protesters unfurled signs that said 'Homes not drones' not far from a display of armoured vehicles, helicopters and military-grade equipment on the National Mall set up to commemorate the US Army's birthday. Bowls of red, white and blue punch were ladled out to attendees, along with slices of a large Army-themed cake that uniformed officials cut with a sabre. Vendors outside the festival sold gear marking the military milestone. Others hawked Trump-themed merchandise. Mr Trump has been wanting a military parade in Washington DC ever since he watched one in France with tanks, soldier and jets overhead in 2017. His dream is set to finally be realised on a day that coincides with his 79th birthday and Flag Day, after organisers tacked the parade onto the line-up for the Army celebration. Mr Trump got regular updates on the planning and made requests for aircraft and hardware to capture the might of the military. The military procession was set to step off from the Lincoln Memorial later on Saturday, under the threat of stormy weather and to the accompaniment of protests elsewhere in the city. Mr Trump brushed off the possibility of both disruptions, with a social media post on Saturday morning that said the 'great military parade' would be on 'rain or shine'. The protests, he said earlier, 'will be met with very big force'. Hours ahead of the parade, crowds of protesters with anti-Trump signs marched toward the White House, escorted by police vehicles and officers on bicycles. Some held a giant banner that read: 'TRUMP MUST GO NOW'. The parade has drawn criticism for its price tag of up to 45 million dollars and the possibility that the lumbering tanks could tear up city streets. The US Army has taken a variety of steps to protect the streets, including laying metal plates along the route. About 6 in 10 Americans said Saturday's parade was 'not a good use' of government money. The vast majority of people, 78%, said they neither approve nor disapprove of the parade overall, according to a poll from The Associated Press-NORC Centre for Public Affairs Research. Saturday's event is expected to include about 6,600 soldiers, 50 helicopters and 60-ton M1 Abrams battle tanks, as well as possibly 200,000 attendees and heightened security to match.
