Is Europe Putin's next invasion target? Trump says it's ‘possible' the Russian President may target more countries
US President Donald Trump has said it is 'possible' that Russian President Vladimir Putin could pursue military ambitions beyond Ukraine. His comments came at a press conference following the NATO summit in The Hague.
When asked by Gray TV correspondent Jon Decker whether he believed Putin had territorial ambitions outside Ukraine, Trump said, 'It's possible. I mean, it's possible,' as quoted by the New York Post.
He added, 'I consider him a person who I think is misguided.'
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Trump acknowledged the complexity of ending the Russia-Ukraine war, a conflict he once said he could resolve in a single day. Now, he admits it's not so simple.
'Vladimir Putin has been more difficult. Frankly, I've had some problems with Zelensky,' Trump said, referring to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. 'It's been more difficult than other wars.'
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'I know one thing: He'd like to settle, he'd like to get out of this thing. It's a mess for him,' Trump told reporters in The Hague, reflecting on his ongoing attempts to mediate.
Sarcasm and strategy: The 24-hour war promise
During his campaign, Trump had pledged to end the war in 24 hours. But at the summit, he clarified that the claim was not meant to be taken literally.
He described the reality as 'more difficult than anyone had thought', adding that 'Putin is more difficult.' The remarks signalled a shift from his earlier confidence to a more cautious tone about future negotiations.
Putin's unexpected phone call
In a revealing detail, Trump shared that Putin had recently reached out to him directly with an unexpected offer.
'He called the other day (and) said: 'Can I help you with Iran?' I said no, you can help me with Russia,' Trump said.
According to Trump, the Russian president wanted to act as a go-between in the Middle East conflict involving Israel and Iran. But Trump redirected the offer, insisting that Putin focus on his own backyard instead.
Trump also confirmed that he held a meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the sidelines of the summit. He described the interaction as 'good' but shared few details about what was discussed.
On whether the US would supply Kyiv with more Patriot air defence systems, Trump remained cautious. 'We're going to see if we can make some available,' he said, without making any commitments.
WWIII Plans: NATO commits to higher defence spend
The two-day summit in The Hague concluded with a major announcement. All 32 NATO allies agreed to boost their defence budgets to 5% of GDP by 2035.
Trump welcomed the decision and called it a 'big win' for the United States and the broader Western alliance.
The increase marks a significant shift in NATO's military posture amid growing concerns about long-term security in Europe.
Trump's comments, though brief, raised pressing questions about the next phase of the Ukraine conflict — and whether Putin has his eyes set elsewhere. By framing Putin as a leader caught in a 'mess', but still 'misguided', Trump signalled both critique and caution.
The NATO summit reinforced allied unity, but as Trump made clear, diplomacy with Russia remains uncertain. With vague timelines and no solid commitments, the road to peace in Ukraine — and beyond — remains wide open.
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Time of India
18 minutes ago
- Time of India
After treating friend Asim Munir to a sumptuous lunch, Trump now warns Pakistan over missiles that can strike US
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A global nuclear realignment may be unfolding FAQs: (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel In a development that's raising serious concerns in Washington, Pakistan is reportedly working on a nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) that could reach the continental United States, according to a detailed Foreign Affairs report citing US intelligence story has caught international attention, not just because of Pakistan's long-standing nuclear program, but because such a capability would mark a dramatic shift in how the United States sees Islamabad—from a key regional partner to a potential nuclear report states that US intelligence agencies believe Pakistan is not only expanding its nuclear arsenal but is also developing ICBMs with the potential to hit targets across the Atlantic.'If Pakistan acquires an ICBM, Washington will have no choice but to treat the country as a nuclear adversary,' US officials told Foreign Affairs. 'No other country with ICBMs that can target the United States is considered a friend.'While Pakistan continues to insist that its nuclear program is designed solely to deter India, US agencies are not buying that narrative anymore. Instead, they believe Pakistan's missile development may be aimed at deterring US involvement in any future India-Pakistan conflict or a preemptive strike against its exact status of Pakistan's ICBM development is classified, but intelligence officials say the program is gaining momentum, with signs that Islamabad is sourcing critical technology and materials from China—a long-time push for a long-range missile capability reportedly intensified after Operation Sindoor, a covert operation that rattled Pakistan's military establishment, though the report didn't disclose specific details about that present, Pakistan is estimated to possess about 165 nuclear warheads, according to global defense analysts. Most of its current missile systems are medium-range, designed to counter threats from India. But the development of an intercontinental missile would represent a significant strategic is the question now dominating discussions inside US strategic Foreign Affairs report suggests that Beijing's involvement in Pakistan's missile program is deeper than previously thought. Intelligence sources point to covert transfers of missile materials, nuclear assistance, and joint development and Pakistan have long maintained close military ties, often described as 'higher than the Himalayas' by both governments. 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While the gesture seemed warm at the time, the tone has shifted is now said to be alarmed by the intelligence shared with him and has reportedly warned that the United States will not tolerate any attempt by Pakistan to become a long-range nuclear new revelations come at a time when the global nuclear order is under increasing strain. The report notes that as Russia walks away from arms control agreements and China rapidly expands its nuclear stockpile, the United States now faces a multi-front nuclear challenge—from two great powers and several regional threats, including North Korea, Iran, and now possibly Pakistan.'Mounting nuclear dangers now lurk in every region of vital interest to the United States,' the report nuclear journey began in the early 1970s, shortly after India's first nuclear test in 1974. 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Beijing's quiet support, Russia's growing defiance, and North Korea's frequent missile tests are already challenging Washington's post-Cold War with Islamabad entering the long-range missile race, the United States faces the possibility of a multi-vector nuclear threat—all happening as traditional arms control treaties is no longer just about India and becoming a part of a larger geopolitical chessboard—one that China might be orchestrating, piece by intelligence reports suggest Pakistan is developing an ICBM capable of reaching the continental Pakistan may soon join the few countries with ICBMs that can directly target the US homeland.
Time of India
21 minutes ago
- Time of India
Reliving prison nights during Emergency days
The evening after Emergency was declared, a small band of socialists secretly met at a tented coffee house, now gone, in Connaught Place's Central Park. The purpose was to chart out future political action. Rajkumar Jain, then 29 years old and an ardent follower of the charismatic socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia, was part of that select group. A day earlier, on June 25, 1975, Jain had served as a volunteer in the stormy rally at the Ramlila ground, where Jayaprakash Narayan, spearheading the anti-govt movement, had famously asked the gathering, 'Jail chaloge ?' Nearly everyone had affirmed. 'I had raised both my hands,' recalls Jain, now a retired professor of Hindi from Delhi University's Ramjas College. Nearing 80, he remains full of beans and talks eagerly and vividly of those days as one would of a heady romance. 'I Got My Bones Broken Several Times' The socialists' plan to carry out work underground, as decided in the Connaught Place meeting, wasn't easy to abide by. Police were swift to apprehend those opposed to the govt. They had already knocked at Jain's Chandni Chowk home without success. Jain's family was religious by disposition and traders by profession. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Men from Keon Park love this free slot machine game MyJackpot Play Now Undo Unsurprisingly, they were against his involvement in politics. But, as a teen, their scion had been seduced by Lohia's idea of democratic socialism. In the 1960s, Jain recalls, the Gandhi Park opposite Old Delhi railway station was a desi version of London's Hyde Park; a space for freewheeling conversation on politics, where partymen of three different ideologies — Jan Sangh, the original avatar of BJP; Congress; and Socialists would debate affairs of the day. Jain was impressed by Lohia's progressive position on women's rights, his chutzpah to contest against PM Nehru for Phulpur LS seat in 1962. He also liked the socialist idea of wealth distribution: ' Kamane wala khayega/ Lootne wala jayega/ Naya zamana aayega (The earner will eat/ The looter will go/ A new era will be ushered in)', and anti-caste stance: 'Dr Lohia ka armaan/ Brahman-Bhangi ek samaan (Dr Lohia's wish/ Brahman and Bhangi are the same)'. In 1966, Jain joined Delhi University as a student and Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP) as a worker. That year, he also became the student union's vicepresident. The socialists would demonstrate against price-rise, police high-handedness, unemployment and for rights of vendors, daily wagers and workers. 'I got my bones broken several times. Going to jail was a regular affair,' he says nonchalantly. 'You Haven't Been Brought In Under IPC 107… But Under Misa' Prison beckoned again when Jain was nabbed by cops on the DU campus, days after Emergency was imposed. 'Someone must have informed the police,' he recalls. He was to spend the next 19 months in confinement. During his past trips to Tihar, the political activist had become familiar with the authorities. Now, everything had changed. The jailer was in a different mood, abusing detainees as they lined up. 'I wished him, but he shouted, 'Shut up. You haven't been brought in under IPC 107 or 151, but under Misa'.' Among other things, Misa (Maintenance of Internal Security Act, 1971) empowered govt to put anyone in indefinite preventive detention. During Emergency, the dreaded act was implemented with abandon. Many years later, RJD neta Lalu Prasad named his daughter Misa. Jain countered, 'I don't care about Misa. Our fight is with Indira Gandhi, not you.' The jailer didn't take kindly to his manner. 'He probably felt that letting the response pass would encourage insubordination. Political prisoners were put in Ward No. 2. But Ravinder Manchanda — a fellow socialist who later became officer on special duty to PM Chandrashekhar — and I were sent to Ward No. 16, which was meant for B-class criminals. ' 'Interestingly, we also met Charan Singh, who had been Uttar Pradesh CM, in a solitary cell. 'I reminded him that he had once said that jails were not picnic spots, while sending demonstrators to prison. He replied, 'Bhai, I had meant it only for gundas (thugs). I said, 'Indira-ji ki nazar mein, hum dono gundey hain , (In Indira-ji's view, we both are thugs.' He laughed. Over the years, I got to know him more and found him to be a pro-poor and honest politician. ' Prominent detainees at Tihar included Madan Lal Khurana and Arun Jaitley. Many months later, George Fernandes, embroiled in the Baroda Dynamite case, also joined them. 'We would raise slogans, 'George Fernandes zindabad', to boost his morale and make him know that other socialists were also in jail,' says Jain. He recalled Jan Sangh-RSS workers naming their barrack 'Swarg Ashram'. 'We were bachelors and named our barrack 'Sandh (Bull)' ashram,' laughs Jain. 'There was also a 'Do Number Ka Barrack' which had Ananda Margis, Naxalites and Jamaatis, among others.' 'With other political groups, we socialists had milan (agreement) on some issues, and takrao (divergence) on others,' he reminisces. 'Detainees Used An Open Latrine Without Cover' For the first three months, Jain neither had any contact with the outside world, nor any idea as to what was happening beyond the prison walls. The detainees had no access to newspapers or radio. 'After three months, we were allowed to meet relatives once a fortnight,' he says. Going to court or hospital was an outing of sorts. The occasion was used to meet people, relatives and get news of the world. 'But there was an overall atmosphere of terror. Acquaintances were scared to meet us,' Jain says. Searing summers were tough, and harsh winters spent with two blankets. Food was prepared by undertrials. Dal, roti, chawal and sabji — twice a day, with tea in the morning — was passable. But absence of hygiene was a problem. The aluminium utensils were dipped in water, seldom washed. 'Sometimes, the plate would have residues of the previous meal,' he remembers, still vexed by the memory. And there was zero privacy. Detainees used an open latrine without cover. 'You were visible to everyone around,' he says. Letters, in and out, were always censored. But one of them brought good news. Jain, a postgraduate in history and Hindi, was on probation as a lecturer when arrested. 'I received my confirmation letter in jail,' he says. Spending time wasn't difficult, Jain says. He was used to prison, though not for such a long duration. 'I would exercise, do yoga, attend group meetings, chat with other political prisoners. There was a study circle too. I read Gandhiji's Hind Swaraj, Nehru's Discovery of India, Lohia's works, even Gone with the Wind,' Jain recollects. 'Sometimes, to raise optimism levels, we would shout slogans such as ' Dum hai kitna daman mein tere, dekh liya aur dekhenge/ Jagah hai kitna jail mein tere, dekh liya aur dekhenge . (We have seen your oppression/ We will see how many more you can fill in jail)'. Unlike some cadres of other parties, we were never desperate to leave jail. We felt alive,' he says. 'Emergency Was Over. But People Were Still Afraid' More than a year had elapsed when authorities shifted the 'troublemakers' to Haryana's Hissar jail. Socialist leader Raj Narain and later Jan Sangh's V K Malhotra, earlier in Ambala jail, were also there. 'The state was then ruled by Bansi Lal and conditions were stricter,' Jain recalls. He also remembers his washed clothes being taken away by others because they all looked the same. 'To ensure this did not happen, I chopped the sleeves of my kurta,' he says. The socialist also has one pleasant memory of the jail: 'Occasionally, we would receive a basket of malta (sweet orange) from Devi Lal's farmhouse.' Jain has no dramatic memory of the day of his release. But he has a clearer recollection of his first post-prison public meeting in Janakpuri, south-west Delhi. 'Emergency was over. But people were still afraid to come close to the dais. But after a while they came closer and listened intently,' he remembers. In 1977, Jain was elected to Delhi Metropolitan Council from Chandni Chowk on a ticket by Janata Party, into which Socialist Party had merged. He taught Hindi in Ramjas till 2011 and now spends time re-reading Lohia at his roomy apartment in east Delhi's Surajmal Vihar. He remains single and devoted to democratic socialism. 'I still believe in Gandhi, Lohia and Madhu Limaye. But politics has changed now,' he says, pointing towards the television set, 'and so has the media.'
Time of India
23 minutes ago
- Time of India
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