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China Backs Students to Influence Japan's Research and Academia

China Backs Students to Influence Japan's Research and Academia

Japan Forwarda day ago

In the United States, concerns about Chinese influence on university campuses have escalated. US authorities have scrutinized institutions like Harvard for accepting large donations from entities linked to the Chinese government, and have arrested researchers with ties to China for concealing affiliations with its military.
The FBI has repeatedly warned that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is systematically targeting American universities to acquire cutting-edge technology and sensitive research. Washington is tightening oversight on foreign scholars and funding, and Japan is now facing a similar dilemma, yet seems far less prepared.
Japan is ramping up support for foreign doctoral students, offering up to ¥2.9 million JPY ($20,040 USD) per year. However, one question looms large: Who exactly is benefiting? According to university professor Rui Sasaki, the answer is increasingly "Chinese students," and he argues that's a dangerous trend Japan can no longer ignore.
"Over 40% of these government-supported doctoral students are Chinese," Sasaki explained in a recent interview with JAPAN Forward. "Meanwhile, Japanese students are being left behind. It's both unfair and risky." University of Tokyo's Akamon Gate
Sasaki points to the swelling ranks of Chinese students at top universities such as the University of Tokyo, Kyoto University, and Waseda. What may seem like a benign form of international exchange, he warns, actually carries national security implications.
"China isn't a G7 country," he said. "It's a dictatorship. We must face that reality."
At the center of his concern is the CSC, the China Scholarship Council. Thousands of Chinese students abroad, including in Japan, are funded under this program. But there's a catch: recipients must sign secret contracts pledging loyalty to the Chinese government.
"Their families are restricted from leaving China. Embassies and consulates monitor them and they must submit regular reports," Sasaki said. "If the Chinese state demands something, like sensitive data, they cannot refuse."
This dynamic poses a serious national security risk, Sasaki warns, particularly in research-intensive fields like science and engineering. "In Tokushima, authorities arrested a Chinese researcher for stealing data. There are likely more cases that go unreported," he noted.
The concern isn't abstract. Other democracies have already sounded the alarm. Sweden, Germany, and the Netherlands have investigated CSC-funded students. Some were later linked to the People's Liberation Army or Chinese state security agencies.
So why hasn't Japan taken similar precautions?
"Japan has no real counterintelligence infrastructure," Sasaki lamented. "Even if you suspect espionage, the legal framework doesn't allow wiretapping in economic or national security cases. The only tools we have are for terrorism or drug crimes."
But the risk doesn't stop at individual espionage. Sasaki says Japan's academic institutions are slowly being infiltrated from within. Some CSC-funded students stay on after graduation and work their way up the academic ladder. "They become associate professors or even full professors at Japanese universities," he said. "Then they begin teaching Chinese-style history to Japanese students."
Sasaki also draws attention to Confucius Institutes, Chinese government-backed cultural and language centers operating worldwide, often housed within universities. While many Western countries have shuttered these institutions, citing concerns over propaganda and surveillance, Japan still plays host to several. "Waseda University still has one," Sasaki said. "When Hu Jintao or Jiang Zemin visited, the venues filled with Chinese nationals. Just from that scene, you'd think the place was already occupied." Confucius Institute Headquarters in Beijing. (© Kyodo)
He warns that this isn't simply about culture — it's part of the CCP's "United Front" strategy, which aims to subtly expand influence through overseas Chinese communities, student associations, and academics. "A lot of Chinese people probably don't even realize they're being used. They're not all spies in the strict sense. But they are being used," he explained.
The issue is further complicated by what Sasaki sees as Japan's naivete. "We're still clinging to the idea that more exchange automatically means more peace," he said. "But real internationalization isn't about open borders for everyone. It's about mutual respect and clear rules."
He contrasts this with what he calls "globalist delusion" — the belief that authoritarian states will liberalize through engagement alone. "After the Tiananmen massacre, the West imposed sanctions. But Japan broke ranks first, sending the Emperor to China. We thought they'd democratize if we were kind. Instead, we helped them entrench their regime."
While Sasaki's warnings may seem alarmist to some, they are part of a growing body of concern shared by intelligence officials, academics, and journalists in liberal democracies worldwide. What sets Japan apart, he says, is how little public awareness exists. "We're not even having the conversation," he said.
Even now, he fears Japan is ill-prepared for the future. "People think peace is the default. But peace is something you have to defend. 'When did Noah build the Ark?'" he asks, referencing the film Spy Game . "Before the rain."
Author: Daniel Manning

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