
How the Liberals came up short in Ontario — and lost their majority bid
Winning a fourth mandate and returning to power was certainly a victory for the federal Liberals, but it was marred by a disappointing showing in Ontario which played a significant role in costing them a majority.
"Obviously, if you compare to where the Liberals were three months ago, it was an unbelievably amazing result in Ontario. But I think it would be fair to say that to get to a majority government, they needed to hold their own in Ontario," said Dan Arnold, chief strategy officer for the research firm Pollara and former research strategist for Justin Trudeau's Liberals.
"I think you could at least say that their inability to, or the fact that they lost seats in Ontario, is probably the reason it's a minority as opposed to majority government."
The Liberal Party did end up winning 69 seats, the most in the province, with 49.6 per cent of the popular vote.
But the Conservatives weren't far behind, winning 53 seats and 44 per cent popular vote. It was a net gain for the Conservatives of 16 seats, and loss of nine for the Liberals. The NDP's five seats in the province were wiped out.
The results seemed to defy some projections. Éric Grenier, a polls and elections analyst who writes The Writ newsletter and runs CBC's Poll Tracker, had projected the Liberals to win 82 seats and the Conservatives 38.
"This was where the surprise came in, primarily in York Region of the Greater Toronto Area and in southwestern Ontario. The Conservatives beat their polls in Ontario by a small amount, but their vote proved more efficient than expected," Grenier wrote.
The results in Ontario looked very different than they did during the Trudeau years, Arnold said. The Liberals this election did do better in the Ottawa area, most notably picking up Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre's seat in Carleton. And in some Toronto ridings, their win margins were much larger than before, he said.
Liberals lost seats in GTA
The Liberals scored victories in places like Peterborough and the Bay of Quinte, parts of the province where they did better than they had in past couple elections.
But there were other parts on the province where they recorded some big losses, including in the 905 region and ridings like Brampton West, Cambridge, Markham-Unionville, Newmarket-Aurora, and Vaughan-Woodbridge, all won by Conservatives.
For example, Liberal candidate Francesco Sorbara won three times under Trudeau in Vaughan-Woodbridge but lost Monday by 20 percentage points, Arnold noted. As well, Brampton West Liberal candidate Kamal Khera, a cabinet minister in both Trudeau and Carney governments, lost in her riding, despite winning in 2021 by over 20 points.
"So there's some very dramatic swings there," he said.
As to why the political shift, voters in that particular area may have been more sensitive to issues like affordability and housing pressures over the last couple years, issues that Poilievre had zeroed in on during the campaign and before, Arnold said.
"For a lot of voters there, that probably trumped the Trump factor when they were kind of ranking their priorities" Arnold said.
David Coletto, founder and CEO of Abacus Data, echoed that millennial and Gen X voters in the Greater Toronto Area whose mortgage payments went up substantially over the last years of the Trudeau government may have turned to the Conservatives.
Those issues may have been muted when Trump was the main factor but in the final two weeks of the campaign, based on Abacus tracking, the concerns about Trump faded and gave the Conservatives an opening to make the case for change, Coletto said.
Affordability and crime were two issues that mattered to a lot of voters in that 905 region that worked against the Liberals, he said.
He said in many parts of the 905 area, there was the perception that crime, particularly auto thefts, had gotten out of hand, and that was linked to the Trudeau years.
"And I think the Conservatives in the final week-and-a-half of the campaign really tried to put a focus on that," Coletto said.
Boots vs. suits
But there was also the opening up of the "boots versus suits" dynamic in Ontario that has become a political advantage for Conservatives, he said.
That the Conservatives won both Windsor ridings may be an in indication of the slight realignment of the party — to get those working-class, private-sector, unionized voters in the trades, manufacturing and natural resource sectors into their camp, Coletto said.
"The absolute devastation of the NDP really opened that up," he said. The GTA was was a roadblock for the Liberals in a way but Conservatives made some important gains in other parts of the province."
Arnold added that the Liberals ate the NDP vote in many parts of the province, but there wasn't as much NDP vote to begin with in the 905, which hurt the Liberals in terms of growth.
"The biggest dynamic of this campaign was the fall of the NDP. And in places where the fall of the NDP helped the Liberals, like in Peterborough, that's a great night for them. But in places where either there wasn't as much NDP to fall or it went more to the Conservatives or split evenly, those are the places where I think they struggled more in Ontario."
Vote-splitting on the left
Laura Stephenson, professor of political science at Western University, said in some ridings like London Fanshawe and Windsor West, in which the NDP incumbent lost to a Conservative, there was likely vote-splitting on the left.
Prior to Carney becoming the leader, there may have been strong support going to the NDP incumbent. In this case, it's likely that some stayed with the NDP incumbent but others went to the Liberal candidates, she sad.
"So it was almost like a failure of co-ordination on the progressive side," she said.
Stephenson also suggested the Doug Ford factor should also not be ruled out for Liberal challenges in the province.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


National Post
3 hours ago
- National Post
Kelly McParland: Poilievre needs to earn an extension as leader
Canada's federal Conservatives are stuck with a dilemma as they consider whether to do anything different in the next two years than they did in the last two. Article content At the centre of the dilemma are a host of riddles. As in, did they actually lose the last election? Sure, they didn't win, but did they lose lose? Like, did Canadians actually reject them, or did something else happen that got in the way of the victory they anticipated? Article content Article content Article content If they did lose, what do they do about it? And if they didn't lose lose, what do they do about that? Article content Article content Depending on the answers to those questions is another of equal weight: do they head into the future with the same team of decision-makers who didn't quite win if they maybe didn't lose? And how do you answer that question when you don't know what the future holds, given that one complaint against the current leader is that he didn't respond effectively enough when the playing field changed? Article content As far as Pierre Poilievre is concerned, there's nothing to decide. 'We had the biggest vote count in our party's history, the biggest increase in our party's history, the biggest vote share since 1988 and we're going to continue to work to get over the finish line,' he replied when asked. That same argument is on offer from other Conservatives keen on moving past the vote that left them once again in second place. Article content The 'nothing to see here' case goes like this: In any previous election dating back 40 years the Tory results would have put them in power, likely with a majority. The fact this one didn't was the result of unprecedented exterior factors, specifically, the timing of Justin Trudeau's departure and the coinciding emergence of a U.S. president even his most fervent detractors didn't foresee as being quite this nuts. Alarmed and unnerved, voters opted for continuity and incumbency over the very real practical policies they'd been firmly embracing until then. Article content It's not a bad argument, but also not entirely convincing. In the Liberal bastion of greater Toronto, it sounds a lot like the local NHL team's annual excuses for once again failing to deliver the goods. 'Hey, at least we did better than our last collapse,' doesn't quite cut it. Article content Article content To its credit, the conservative universe isn't ready to simply roll over and accept the excuses. In this the party shows itself once again to be more independent-minded than the rival Liberals, who — after refusing to give themselves the power to oust Justin Trudeau, and living to regret the fact — made the same decision over his replacement. A majority of the caucus voted not to accept the rules of the Reform Act, meaning Prime Minister Mark Carney knows he can rule as he sees fit, safe in the knowledge the minions can't get rid of him. Would any other party in the democratic world vote to remain minions? Article content Conservatives not only adopted the Reform rules, but are discussing whether Poilievre should face a leadership review. A decision could be made as early as this month, with a review to take place next spring. It's possible they'll reject the option, but it would be a mistake. The world a year from now may look a lot different than it does today. Given the level of international uncertainty and the daily madhouse in Washington, it would be a shock if it didn't. Locking themselves into a recently-defeated leader when circumstances could easily demand an entirely different set of calculations would not be a show of confidence but an act of denial.


National Post
3 hours ago
- National Post
Christine Van Geyn: Do police have the right to peer at you in your car with a drone?
Can police use a drone with a zoom lens to peer into the interior of vehicles stopped at red lights? Can police enter a home's private driveway and look in the windows of vehicles? Can the government track the cellphone location data of millions of Canadians to track their movements? And can a private foreign company scour the internet collecting photos of Canadians for use in facial recognition technology that is sold to police? Article content Article content These questions are not hypotheticals; they are real live issues in Canadian law. We are living in the mass surveillance era. But many Canadians do not have a thorough understanding of how far surveillance goes, or what the limits on it are, or whether our legal protections are adequate. Article content Article content Article content The police in Kingston, Ont., are ticketing drivers at red lights for merely touching or holding their cellphones based on evidence collected by a drone. The Supreme Court recently heard a case about police entering a private driveway and not just looking in a truck window, but opening the door and collecting evidence — all without a warrant. The Alberta Court of Kings Bench just considered a case involving the facial recognition technology of Clearview AI. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Canadian government was tracking the cellphone location data of 33 million Canadians. After the Trudeau government invoked the Emergencies Act, the government ordered the freezing of bank accounts of a police-compiled 'blacklist' of demonstrators, which was distributed by the government to a variety of financial institutions and even lobby groups. Article content Article content What these cases are demonstrating is that we have entered the era of mass surveillance, and Canada's legal protections are inadequate. Article content Article content First, Canada's privacy legislation is outdated. Privacy Commissioner Philippe Dufresne has said we are at a ' pivotal time ' for privacy rights in Canada. Former Ontario Privacy Commissioner Dr. Ann Cavoukian has also called for updates to Canadian privacy laws, 'so they apply to all data, including anonymized data.' Much has changed since the current federal privacy legislation was drafted in the early 2000s, but efforts to modernize this law died when Parliament was prorogued. Article content Second, when it comes to state intrusions, the concept of privacy may be inadequate. Section 8 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures, and the Supreme Court has interpreted this right to mean the protection of a person's 'reasonable expectations of privacy' against state intrusions. The notion of 'reasonable expectations of privacy' has become a mantra in Section 8 jurisprudence. But some academics have said that in the era of mass surveillance, this guiding principle is an inadequate gatekeeper.


Calgary Herald
4 hours ago
- Calgary Herald
'They're worried': Liberal MP plans to raise concerns about Modi visit to Carney
OTTAWA — A Liberal MP says he intends to raise concerns to Prime Minister Mark Carney about the decision to invite India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Canada as part of a meeting of G7 leaders later this month. Article content Sukh Dhaliwal represents the Surrey, B.C., riding that was home to Sikh activist and Canadian citizen Hardeep Singh Nijjar, whom Canada said in 2023 was killed by agents acting on behalf of the Indian government. Nijjar was gunned down outside a temple in June 2023. Article content Article content Article content India has denied the accusation but had considered Nijjar to be a terrorist. Nijjar was a prominent activist in the Khalistan movement, which has pushed to establish a separate Sikh state in India's Punjab province. Article content Article content The accusation from former prime minister Justin Trudeau in September 2023 sparked a wave of tension in the Canada-India relationship, including last fall when the RCMP said it believed Modi's government was linked to violence unfolding in Canada, including organized crime and murders. Article content 'They're worried. They're worried about their safety, they're concerned about the justice in Mr. Nijjar's case, as well,' he told National Post in an interview late Friday. Article content Article content Dhaliwal said he has heard from other Liberal MPs also expressing concern, but said he would not divulge details to protect their privacy. Article content Article content He said he intends to raise the concerns he has been hearing from constituents with Carney or members of his team, and will be in Ottawa next week for the ongoing sitting of Parliament. Article content 'He's willing to talk,' Dhaliwal said of the prime minister. Article content 'He's willing to listen to his MPs, that's what he has promised because he has always said that he's interested in the voice from the grassroots, not the message coming from the top to the grassroots.' Article content 'I will certainly raise this with him or his team.' Article content A statement from Carney's office in response to questions from National Post didn't directly address Dhaliwal's concerns, but said 'Canada's sovereignty and national security is paramount.'