
'We have won the election': Germany's conservative leaders celebrate as far-right takes second place
Latest projections show CDU with 8-point leadpublished at 21:35 Greenwich Mean Time 23 February
21:35 GMT 23 February
The CDU has won this election, but these latest projections from both big public broadcasters indicate that it's fallen short of the 30% it was expected to achieve.
Alternative for Germany (AfD) however now looks on course to break that 20% barrier - 10 points higher than it achieved only four years ago.
The big difference between the two projections from the public broadcasters is that ZDF suggests one of the smaller parties, the left-populist BSW, will squeak into parliament with 5% of the vote. That is yet to be confirmed.
Stick with us as we bring further developments and analysis.

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New Statesman
3 days ago
- New Statesman
Europe's far-right paradox
Photo by Diego Radames/Anadolu via Getty Images A toxic dynamic centred on refugee policy is creating political instability across much of Europe. As established mainstream parties struggle to figure out how best to deal with the far right, they are succumbing to pressure to get tougher on asylum seekers and thus mainstreaming and normalising far-right rhetoric and policy. But whether they exclude those movements from government or seek to cooperate with them, it is becoming increasingly difficult to form stable governments in Europe. On 3 June, the Dutch government collapsed when Geert Wilders withdrew his far-right Freedom Party (PVV) from the four-party coalition just over a year after it was formed. After the election in November 2023 in which the PVV emerged as the biggest party in the Dutch parliament, it took six months to form a government that included the centre-right People's Party (VVD) and was led by Dick Schoof, a career civil servant. New elections will now be held, though the date has not yet been set. After the 2023 election, Wilders had promised 'the toughest asylum policy ever' and made sure that his party controlled the asylum ministry so that it could implement his radical ten-point plan. This included deploying the army at Dutch borders, turning away all new asylum seekers, deporting Syrians whose claims were already being processed, and rejecting EU quotas. But on 3 June, he declared that the new government had not gone far enough or quickly enough and pulled out. In the Netherlands, mainstream parties have long cooperated with the far right. As far back as 2010, the then-VVD leader Mark Rutte led a minority government that had a confidence-and-supply agreement with the PVV. This week's events illustrate the fragility of that approach. Wilders hopes his party will do even better in the new elections and that he will be able to become prime minister himself. Centrists, meanwhile, hope his move will backfire and that voters will punish him for his unreasonableness. In Germany, meanwhile, where the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) became the second biggest party in the Bundestag after the election that took place in February, the mainstream parties have taken a different approach. Cooperation with the far right is much more of a taboo in Germany than in the Netherlands – there is a consensus around the idea that what are often called 'democratic forces' must maintain a Brandmauer, or firewall, to keep the far right away from power. The new chancellor Friedrich Merz has actually gone quite far in cooperating with them, by German standards at least. During the election campaign last year, he cooperated with the AfD to push an 'influx limitation bill' through the Bundestag. But as controversial as this was – it alienated the Social Democrats (SPD), with whom Merz knew he would likely have to cooperate after the election – it falls a long way short of what has happened in the Netherlands. It remains politically impossible for Germany's Christian Democrats to form a minority government dependent on AfD votes as Rutte did, let alone actually form a coalition with it. This meant that, after the election, Merz's only option was to form a grand coalition with the Social Democrats. (Some right-wing Christian Democrats, such as the historian Andreas Rödder, are beginning to argue that they need to break the taboo on cooperation with the AfD if only to give themselves other options and thus increase their power in negotiations with the SPD.) Yet despite this different approach, the political situation in Germany is now remarkably similar to that in the Netherlands. Like Wilders, Merz ran on a promise to get even tougher on asylum seekers – he promised a 'de-facto entry ban' that would have violated EU law. For all the obsessive focus on maintaining the Brandmauer, the boundaries between the centrists and the far right on refugee policy have long been blurred – in fact Wilders argues that Germany is already doing much of what he wants to do. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe However, while Merz and the Social Democrats had settled on a compromise on asylum policy – the coalition agreement promised a 'deportation offensive' but Merz was forced to dilute his promise of an entry ban – it could yet unravel. This week, a Berlin court ruled that it was unlawful for German border guards to push back three Somalis who had crossed the border from Poland and sought to claim asylum in Germany. In response, Merz seemed to suggest that he might be prepared to ignore the ruling. In doing so, Merz is threatening to abandon the compromise he reached with the SPD and, with an eye on the AfD, reverting to the approach he took during the election campaign. The Social Democrats, who have themselves moved to the right on refugee policy but stopped short of rejecting German court rulings and EU law, have insisted that the government must adhere to the rule of law – after all, this, Germany's 'democratic forces' have always insisted, is what differentiates them from 'populist' parties like the AfD. It is unlikely that the coalition will collapse over this issue. But that is itself largely because the Christian Democrats and SPD fear that if there were new elections, as there will now be in the Netherlands, the AfD would do even better than it did in February. The problem, not just in Germany but also elsewhere in Europe, is that incoherent coalitions of centrist parties formed only to keep the far right out of power also tend to strengthen the far right. [See also: Labour's muddled message] Related


BBC News
4 days ago
- BBC News
What Merz wants from Trump showdown meeting
New German Chancellor Friedrich Merz is making a high-stakes trip to meet US President Donald Trump - his first time in Washington DC as the leader of the European Union's largest economy. Tariffs, defence spending and the war in Ukraine will be high on the agenda when Merz meets Donald Trump on Thursday at the White House. There's also speculation that Trump's team - which repeatedly has weighed in on Germany's domestic politics - could subject him to an Oval Office "ambush". It would not be the first time. Both South African President Cyril Ramaphosa and Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky found themselves in awkward, tense or even fiery exchanges as the world's cameras rolled, capturing every moment. Those moments have turned once cosy, diplomatic moments in the Oval Office into potentially fraught, tight-rope walks for visiting leaders. Ahead of the visit, Berlin expressed confidence that the German side is ready. "I think he's well prepared for this meeting," Friedrich Merz's spokesman told reporters this week. Merz - from the centre-right CDU party - is not just prepared, but on friendly terms with the US President, according to German media. The pair are even said to have exchanged text messages and be on a first name basis, Germany's ARD news outlet has reported. It's always important to not talk for too long," Merz recently opined on German TV. "But to keep it short and also let him talk." Merz's forthright, "shoot-from-the-hip" style of politics could add an interesting dimension to the meeting. His remarks can be surprising and make headlines - a stark contrast to those of his more cautious predecessors, Olaf Scholz and Angela Merkel. Though a traditional supporter of transatlantic relations, Merz raised eyebrows in February by declaring the current US administration is "indifferent to the fate of Europe". So far, the White House has been uncharacteristically quiet about Merz's visit. It was only briefly mentioned by Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt in a gaggle with reporters on Monday, and not at all during briefings at the White House and State Department on Tuesday. Tariffs, Ukraine and defence spending Sources familiar with the visit suggested several topics that could dominate the conversation. Of these, tariffs would be among the most pressing, particularly after Trump doubled import taxes on steel and aluminium this week, prompting warnings of EU countermeasures. The US President also repeatedly expressed dismay with the speed of tariff negotiations with the EU. In May, he threatened to levy a 50% tariff on European goods, saying that it was "time that we play the game the way I know how to play the game". Trump later backtracked and delayed the tariffs until 9 July, a move that his US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer characterised as having a "fire lit" under the EU. Germany is the EU's largest exporter to the US, leaving the country's businesses are extremely agitated about any trade obstacles. Merz, a 69-year-old reputed millionaire with a corporate background, may feel confident about going toe-to-toe with Trump, who often hails himself as the consummate "dealmaker". Whether the Chancellor will be able to smooth the path for EU negotiators, however, remains to be seen. Constanze Stelzenmüller, an expert on German-US relations at the Brookings Institute, believes Merz's ability to push the negotiations along is limited, given that the EU as an institution has taken the lead on those talks. "Whatever Merz says is mood music, rather than being able to say that XYZ will happen, even if major nation states aren't without influence on the European Commission," she explained. "He has to tread a delicate line." When it comes to Ukraine, Merz is vocal in his support of Kyiv and in his criticism of Moscow - recently warning that the fighting could drag on, despite repeated talk of a ceasefire from the White House. Justin Logan, director of defence and foreign policy studies at the Washington DC-based Cato Institute, told the BBC he believes Ukraine will present a "dilemma" for the German side in the meeting. "They'll make a real effort to sell what frankly are the same arguments that have so far failed to persuade the White House," he said. Merz also has called for stiffer EU sanctions on Vladimir Putin and Russia - something Trump has so far not committed to, even as some lawmakers from within his own party have escalated calls to do this week, Leavitt said only that Trump has "kept this as a tool in his toolbox if necessary". "The strange thing for me is, that we haven't heard President Trump say yet, is that Europe has lots of cards it can play on its own," Mr Logan said, pointing to $228bn in frozen Russian assets held primarily in Belgium. "That's money that's just sitting there," he said. From the White House's point of view, the issue of Ukraine's defence is also inextricably linked to Trump's demands that NATO allies raise defence spending to 5% of their GDP. Germany's is 2% - well short of Trump's target, although German officials have signalled a willingness to move in that direction. "I don't think they've done enough," Mr Logan added. "And I suspect they can't do enough. The White House has to know that 5% is not a goal that any of the major European countries are going to reach." "The question then becomes: What's next?" A potential showdown over Germany's AfD Among the potential pitfalls the German delegation faces are the deep disdain that some members of Trump's cabinet - particularly Vice President JD Vance - have for the so-called "firewall" that keeps Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party out of power."If you're running in fear of your own voters, there is nothing American can do for you," Vance told the Munich Security Conference in February. Vance also broke diplomatic norms by meeting the AfD's leader, Alice Weidel, ahead of Germany's snap election that saw the party storm into second place. Since then, AfD has been classified as extremist by Germany's domestic intelligence service - although the public designation was paused pending a legal confronted, Merz is unlikely to concede, having previously called on the US government to "stay out" of Berlin's domestic politics. While she believes a "Zelensky-style" Oval Office is unlikely, Stelzenmüller said a "worst case scenario" would be something more akin to the visit of Irish Prime Minister Micheál to the White House - an occasion promptly followed by a visit from his political foe, former UFC fighter Conor McGregor. Subsequent contact with the AfD or Alice Weidel, she added, would be seen as a provocation by Germany. "That would be DEFCON 1 for the bilateral," she said.


Telegraph
4 days ago
- Telegraph
Germany to make it easier to send migrants home
Germany's new government has announced plans to designate countries as 'safe' for migrants by ministerial decree, in its latest move to clamp down on illegal immigration. The new rules mean that the administration in Berlin will no longer require the approval of the country's upper house before declaring a country safe. In the past, the Green Party repeatedly used its seats in the Bundesrat, Germany's upper house, to frustrate efforts by the executive to designate North African countries as safe for migrants to be sent back to. Friedrich Merz, the chancellor, won a national election in February by pledging to crack down on migration and turn away asylum seekers at the border. Migration is among German voters' biggest concerns and a backlash against arrivals has contributed to a rise in the popularity of the hard-Right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party. The new rules were announced by Alexander Dobrindt, the interior minister, on Wednesday, but they still need to pass through both houses of the German federal legislature. Mr Dobrindt is understood to be planning to declare Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco as safe once the legal change comes into effect. The reform would allow German authorities to process asylum applications from North African countries in a matter of weeks, thereby avoiding the drawn-out process for regular asylum claims, which typically takes up to two years. The move would also limit applicants' access to legal representation. Filiz Polat, a senior figure in the Greens, described the move as 'a far-reaching encroachment on individual rights with serious consequences for refugees'. 'Anyone who acts in this way is shaking the foundations of our rule of law,' she added. The announcement comes in a week that Germany's new government suffered its first major setback in its efforts to deter migrants and refugees from entering the country. Mr Dobrindt, a member of Mr Merz's conservative CDU/CSU bloc, issued a decree on his first day in office instructing border police to turn back all undocumented migrants at Germany's land borders. Border pushback However, a state court in Berlin sided with three Somali asylum seekers, ruling that the German government did not have the right to reject them without first hearing their asylum claims. Confusion now reigns over the legality of the border pushback, but Mr Merz's government has insisted it will maintain the policy until a federal court rules on the matter. Following a series of deadly attacks by migrants at the start of the year, Mr Merz had pledged to stop all irregular migration at Germany's land borders if elected. Public dissatisfaction over high levels of migration has strengthened Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, which has repeatedly courted controversy with its views on Islam. The most recent incident involved a social media post addressed to 'all Muslims', stating that 'whatever you eat, your food was fertilised with pig s---'. The post was later deleted, with party leadership calling it unacceptable. After launching his chancellorship with a whirlwind of European diplomacy, Mr Merz has flown to Washington for a first face-to-face meeting with Donald Trump on Thursday. Amid US threats to impose heavy sanctions on the EU – and US president's repeated jibes about German freeloading on American security – the visit is being closely watched in Europe's largest economy. The German press has been full of advice for the chancellor ahead of the visit. The Süddeutsche Zeitung, Germany's leading liberal newspaper, advised him to avoid 'unnecessary arguments', while other outlets have reported that Mr Merz prepared meticulously for the meeting over several weeks. Mr Merz, who speaks fluent English and previously worked for US financial giant BlackRock, has expressed confidence that he can win over Mr Trump, stating that he 'understands how Americans tick'.