logo
Pupusas

Pupusas

Epoch Times03-05-2025

View the
Pupusas are King of Salvadoran Street Food
I always ask my kids to help me in the kitchen but when Pupusas are on the menu, they all volunteer! I can't say this recipe is 100 percent authentic but it's one of those fun, hands-on foods that provide an opportunity to teach them about other cultures, through food. And you absolutely have to make
How to Make Pupusas
Make dough: Add masa harina (corn flour) and salt to a large mixing bowl then add the warm water, little by little, while mixing the dough with your hand until you get the consistency of a soft play dough. Add butter and chicken bouillon if you'd like, for extra flavor. Scoop dough into golf-ball-size portions, dipping your hands in an oil and water mixture as needed if the masa is sticking to your hands.
Lauren Allen
Assemble: Pat the dough into a pancake in your hand, about 4 inches in diameter. Add a Tablespoon of refried beans in the center and a sprinkle of shredded cheese. Fold the edges up and pinch to close into a ball. Gently pat/slap the dough back and forth between your palms to form it back into a thin pancake.
Lauren Allen
Cook and serve: Place pupusas on a hot, dry griddle or skillet and cook for 2-4 minutes on each side, until golden. Serve immediately, topped with curtido and salsa roja.
Lauren Allen
Storage and Freezing Instructions
Store leftover masa dough can be stored in the refrigerator in an airtight bag or container for 1-2 days. Add a little more warm water to it, as needed, to make it soft before using. Store leftover cooked pupusas in an airtight container in the fridge, and reheat on a hot griddle or skillet.
Lauren Allen
To freeze uncooked pupusas, 'flash freeze' them on a baking sheet for 30 minutes, then store in an air-tight container, separated by parchment, for up to 3 months. Thaw completely in the fridge before cooking and serving.
Recipe Variations:
Related Stories
10/19/2024
4/25/2025
Filling: Feel free to try different filling combinations. It is popular to include beans, meat, and cheese.
Pupusas
Makes 25 pupusas
Prep 30 minutes
Cook 5 minutes
Total 35 minutes
Pupusas:
4 cups masa harina
3 1/2–4 cups warm water
1/2 teaspoon kosher salt
2 Tablespoons softened butter, optional
1 teaspoon Better then Bouillon Chicken Base, or 1 bouillon cube
Filling:
15 ounce can refried beans, or homemade
2 cups shredded mozzarella cheese, or Oaxaca cheese
Topping:
1 recipe salsa roja
1 recipe curtido
Make Dough: Add masa harina (corn flour) and salt to a large mixing bowl then add the warm water, little by little, while mixing the dough with your hand until you get the consistency of a soft play dough. Stir in butter and chicken bouillon.
Scoop dough into golf-ball-size portions, dipping your hands in an oil and water mixture as needed if the masa is sticking to your hands. Keep dough balls covered with a damp cloth as you work, to keep from drying out.
Form Pupusas: Pat the dough into a pancake in your hand, about 4 inches in diameter. Add a Tablespoon of refried beans in the center and a sprinkle of shredded cheese. Fold the edges up and pinch to close into a ball. Gently pat the dough back and forth between your palms to form it back into a thin pancake.
Cook: Heat a large un-greased skillet or pan over medium heat. Place pupusas on the hot pan and cook for about 2-4 minutes on each side. You will know the pupusas are ready to flip when the edges are set and the bottom is lightly golden.
Serve immediately, topped with Curtido and Salsa Roja.
Notes
Bouillon: I prefer bouillon paste, or use chicken granulated bouillon or one cube.
Filling: Feel free to try different filling combinations. It is popular to include beans, meat, and cheese.
Store leftover masa dough in the refrigerator in an airtight bag or container for 1-2 days. Add a little more warm water to it, as needed, to make it soft before using. Store leftover cooked pupusas in an airtight container in the fridge, and reheat on a hot griddle or skillet.
To Freeze uncooked pupusas, 'flash freeze' them on a baking sheet for 30 minutes, then store in an air-tight container, separated by parchment, for up to 3 months. Thaw completely in the fridge before cooking and serving.
Nutrition
Calories: 108kcal, Carbohydrates: 15g, Protein: 4g, Fat: 4g, Saturated Fat: 2g, Polyunsaturated Fat: 0.4g, Monounsaturated Fat: 1g, Trans Fat: 0.04g, Cholesterol: 9mg, Sodium: 189mg, Potassium: 55mg, Fiber: 2g, Sugar: 0.4g, Vitamin A: 136IU, Vitamin C: 0.001mg, Calcium: 75mg, Iron: 1mg
This article was originally published on
. Follow on
Dear Readers: We would love to hear from you. What topics would you like to read about? Please send your feedback and tips to

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Is it time to talk impeachment? Given Trump's actions, it may be overdue.
Is it time to talk impeachment? Given Trump's actions, it may be overdue.

Yahoo

time7 days ago

  • Yahoo

Is it time to talk impeachment? Given Trump's actions, it may be overdue.

In the few months since Donald Trump returned to the presidency, he has issued so many executive orders and pronouncements on domestic and foreign policy that he may have overwhelmed our intellectual and emotional energy to fully appreciate their impact. Whether or not you approve of the direction he wants to take the country, he took office after being duly elected. Many of his initiatives are within his authority. Generally speaking, Trump has the right to indulge his ideological obsessions and advance policies that benefit the economic class that 'brung him to the dance.' But, what of those executive orders that exceed the limited authority proscribed for the presidency — powers meant to be shared with other branches of government, or those that defy Supreme Court interpretations of the Constitution? Say goodbye to democracy — and our freedoms — if we ignore James Madison's warning in the Federalist Papers No. 47 that "The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny." On Jan. 20, 2025, Trump took the Presidential Oath of Office to 'faithfully execute the Office of President' and 'preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." Yet just three months later, when asked if he agreed with Secretary of State Marco Rubio's statement that every person in the United States is entitled to due process, Trump told NBC's Kristen Welker that he's not so sure. 'I don't know. I'm not a lawyer.' The Constitution states that 'no person' shall be 'deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.' It says 'person,' not 'citizen.' Not surprisingly, the Supreme Court has held that everyone in this country have certain basic rights. When Welker reminded the president of this constitutionally guaranteed right, Trump complained that this only slows him down: 'I was elected to get them the hell out of here, and the courts are holding me from doing it.' This helps explain why democracy requires an independent judiciary — to check the actions of the executive (from local police to presidents) to ensure that government allegations of wrongdoing are accurate and mistakes are not made. Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, the recent high-profile example, is Salvadoran, married to an American citizen with three American-born children who has lived in U.S. since 2011. He was granted protected status by an immigration judge in 2019. Nevertheless he was detained by ICE in March and deported to El Salvador without a hearing. The Trump administration originally acknowledged that he was mistakenly deported, and a federal judge ordered that he be returned to the U.S. The Supreme Court unanimously upheld this directive. As of this writing the Trump administration has done nothing to facilitate his return. The President even quipped that he could do so, but he will not. The government now asserts that Abrego Garcia's deportation wasn't a mistake, claiming he is a member of the Salvadoran gang MS-13, but declines to provide evidence supporting the claim. As if to emphasize contempt for constitutional rights, deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller recently said that the Trump administration was considering suspending Habeas Corpus to block an immigrant's right to challenge their detention before being deported. There are other examples of presidential defiance of the law, such as the illegal impoundment of congressionally authorized appropriations and constitutional freedoms. So, it is time to insert the 'I' word (impeachment) into civic conversations. I am not naïve: impeachment is neither imminent nor likely — for now. The disgrace of this period, as future historians will note, is that whether the President has intimidated Congress into silence or they applaud his overly expansive use of power, the legislative branch has abandoned its oversight responsibility. For now, Congress is content to look the other way. Nevertheless, we must begin to insert 'impeachable offenses' into civic conversations. If we don't, we will be complicit in accepting that the aberrant behavior of this President is the new normal for the evaluation of future presidents. Howard L. Simon served as executive director of the ACLU of Florida from 1997-2018. He resides in Gainesville and is president of Clean Okeechobee Waters Foundation, Inc. This article originally appeared on Palm Beach Post: Talk of impeachment hasn't come up. How long can that last? | Opinion

‘No One Can Offer Any Hope'
‘No One Can Offer Any Hope'

Yahoo

time04-06-2025

  • Yahoo

‘No One Can Offer Any Hope'

Every month or so I get a desperate message from a 25-year-old Afghan refugee in Pakistan. Another came just last week. I've written about Saman in the past. Because my intent today is to write about her place in the moral universe of Elon Musk and Vice President J. D. Vance, I'll compress her story to its basic details: During the Afghan War, Saman and her husband, Farhad (they requested pseudonyms for their own safety), served in the Afghan special forces alongside American troops. When Kabul fell in 2021, they were left behind and had to go into hiding from the Taliban before fleeing to Pakistan. There the couple and their two small children have languished for three years, burning through their limited cash, avoiding the Pakistani police and Taliban agents, seldom leaving their rented rooms—doomed if they're forced to return to Afghanistan—and all the while waiting for their applications to be processed by the United States' refugee program. No other country will provide a harbor to these loyal allies of America, who risked everything for the war effort. Our country has a unique obligation to do so. They had reached the last stage of a very long road and were on the verge of receiving U.S. visas when Donald Trump came back into office and made ending the refugee program one of his first orders of business. Now Saman and her family have no prospect of escaping the trap they're in. 'The stress and anxiety have become overwhelming,' Saman wrote to me last week. 'Every day I worry about the future of my children—what will become of them? Recently, I've developed a new health issue as well. At times, my fingers suddenly become tight and stiff—almost paralyzed—and I can't move them at all. My husband massages them with great effort until they gradually return to normal. This is a frightening and painful experience … Please, in this difficult time, I humbly ask for your help and guidance. What can I do to find a way out of these hardships?' I've brought the plight of Saman and her family to members of Congress, American activist groups, foreign diplomats, and readers of this magazine. No one can offer any hope. The family's fate is in the hands of Trump and his administration. [George Packer: 'What about six years of friendship and fighting together?' ] And, after all, their story is just one small part of the suffering caused by this regime. A full accounting would be impossible to compile, but it already includes an estimated several hundred thousand people dead or dying of AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria because of the elimination of the U.S. Agency for International Development, as well as the starvation of refugee children in Sudan, migrants deported to a Salvadoran Gulag, and victims of domestic violence who have lost their shelter in Maine. In the wide world of the regime's staggering and gratuitous cruelty, the pain in Saman's fingers might seem too trivial to mention. But hers is the suffering that keeps arriving in my phone, the ongoing story that seems to be my unavoidable job to hear and tell. And sometimes one small drama can illuminate a large evil. Since reading Saman's latest text, I can't stop thinking about the people who are doing this to her and her family—especially about Musk and Vance. As for Trump, I find it difficult to hold him morally responsible for anything. He's a creature of appetite and instinct who hunts and feeds in a dark sub-ethical realm. You don't hold a shark morally responsible for mauling a swimmer. You just try to keep the shark at bay—which the American people failed to do. Musk and Vance function at a higher evolutionary level than Trump. They have ideas to justify the human suffering they cause. They even have moral ideas. Musk's moral idea goes by the name longtermism, which he has called 'a close match to my philosophy.' This reductio ad absurdum of utilitarianism seeks to do the greatest good for the greatest number of human beings who will ever live. By this reasoning, the fate of the hundreds of billions of as-yet-unborn people who will inhabit the planet before the sun burns it up several billion years from now is more urgent than whether a few million people die of preventable diseases this year. If killing the American aid programs that helped keep those people alive allows the U.S. government to become lean and efficient enough to fund Musk's grand project of interplanetary travel, thereby enabling human beings to live on Mars when Earth becomes uninhabitable in some distant era, then the good of humanity requires feeding those aid programs, including ones that support refugee resettlement, into the woodchipper. Refugees—except for white South Africans—aren't important enough to matter to longtermism. Its view of humanity is far too large to notice Saman, Farhad, and their children, or to understand why America might have a moral obligation to give this family a safe home. Longtermism is a philosophy with a special appeal for smart and extremely rich sociopaths. It can justify almost any amount of hubris, spending, and suffering. Sam Bankman-Fried, the cryptocurrency mogul who is serving a 25-year sentence for fraud, conspiracy, and money laundering, was a longtermist. It isn't clear that Musk, during his manic and possibly drug-addled months of power in the Trump administration, applied moral reasoning when hacking at the federal government. His erratic behavior and that of his troops in the Department of Government Efficiency seemed driven more by destructive euphoria than by philosophy. But in February, on Joe Rogan's show, Musk used the loftiest terms to explain why the cries of pain caused by his cuts should be ignored: 'We've got civilizational suicidal empathy going on. And it's like, I believe in empathy. Like, I think you should care about other people, but you need to have empathy for civilization as a whole and not commit to a civilizational suicide. The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy.' Here is another category of the long view, with an entire civilization in place of the planet's future inhabitants. Musk's sphere of empathy is galactic. In its cold immensity, the ordinary human impulse to want to relieve the pain of a living person with a name and a face disappears. Vance once called himself 'a proud member of both tribes' of the MAGA coalition—techno-futurists like Musk and right-wing populists like Steve Bannon. But when Vance invokes a moral code, it's the opposite of Musk's. The scope of its commitment is as narrow and specific as an Appalachian graveyard—the cemetery in eastern Kentucky where five generations of Vances are buried and where, he told the Republican National Convention last summer, he hopes that he, his wife, and their children will eventually lie. Such a place is 'the source of America's greatness,' Vance said, because 'people will not fight for abstractions, but they will fight for their home.' Politically, this is called blood-and-soil nationalism. Religiously, Vance traces his moral code to the Catholic doctrine of ordo amoris, the proper order of love: first your family, he told Sean Hannity of Fox News, then your neighbor, your community, your nation, and finally—a distant last—the rest of humanity. But Vance's theology is as bad as his political theory. Generations of Americans fought and died for the idea of freedom in the Revolutionary War, the Civil War, World War II, and other conflicts. And Christian doctrine does not say to keep out refugees because they're not your kin. Jesus said the opposite: To refuse the stranger was to refuse him. Vance likes to cite Augustine and Aquinas, but the latter was clear about what ordo amoris does not mean: 'In certain cases, one ought, for instance, to succor a stranger, in extreme necessity, rather than one's own father, if he is not in such urgent need.' [From the March 2022 issue: The betrayal] It's a monstrous perversion of both patriotism and faith to justify hurting a young family who, after all they've suffered, still show courage and loyalty to Vance's country. Starting from opposite moral positions, Musk and Vance are equally indifferent to the ordeal of Saman and her family. When empathy is stretched to the cosmic vanishing point or else compressed to the width of a grave, it ceases to be empathy. Perhaps these two elites even take pleasure in the squeals of bleeding-heart humanitarians on behalf of refugees, starving children, international students, poor Americans in ill health, and other unfortunates. And that may be a core value of these philosophies: They require so much inventing of perverse principles to reach a cruel end that the pain of others begins to seem like the first priority rather than the inadvertent result. Think of the range of people who have been drawn to MAGA. It's hard to see what political ideology Elon Musk, J. D. Vance, Glenn Greenwald, Glenn Loury, Nick Fuentes, Bari Weiss, Lil Wayne, Joe Rogan, Bill Ackman, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, and Kanye West have in common. The magnetic pull is essentially negative. They all fear and loathe something more than Trump—whether it's wokeness, Palestinians, Jews, Harvard, trans people, The New York Times, or the Democratic Party—and manage to overlook everything else, including the fate of American democracy, and Saman and her family. But overlooking everything else is nihilism. Even if most Americans haven't abandoned their private sense of empathy, many don't seem terribly bothered by the rancidness of their leaders. I confess that this indifference astonishes me. It might be the ugliest effect of Trump's return—the rapid normalization of spectacular corruption, the desensitization to lawless power, the acceptance of moral collapse. Eventually it will coarsen us all. Article originally published at The Atlantic

Judge rules Abrego Garcia's lawyers can seek sanctions against government

time04-06-2025

Judge rules Abrego Garcia's lawyers can seek sanctions against government

The judge overseeing the case of wrongly deported Kilmar Abrego Garcia on Wednesday granted a request from his attorneys to file a motion seeking sanctions against the government for failing to comply with discovery requests. U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis in April ordered the Trump administration to provide discovery evidence showing the process by which Abrego Garcia was mistakenly deported to his native El Salvador despite him being issued a 2019 court order barring his deportation to his home country due to the fear of persecution. Wednesday's order from Xinis comes after Abrego Garcia's attorneys said in a court filing that some of the discovery productions by the government include "highly redacted internal messages" and other materials that were classified as "Confidential or Attorney's Eyes Only" -- without a motion to designate the items as being under seal. The judge directed the government to file its response within seven days of the motion's filing. In a separate order Wednesday, Judge Xinis ordered the unsealing of several filings related to the court's order for expedited discovery, including the transcript of a nonpublic hearing that was held on April 30. Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran native who had been living with his wife and children in Maryland, was deported in March to El Salvador's CECOT mega-prison after the Trump administration claimed he was a member of the criminal gang MS-13. His wife and attorneys deny that he is an MS-13 member. Judge Xinis ruled in April that the Trump administration must "facilitate" Abrego Garcia's return to the United States, and the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously affirmed that ruling, "with due regard for the deference owed to the Executive Branch in the conduct of foreign affairs." On Monday, Abrego Garcia's attorneys filed a response to a motion by the government to dismiss the case, calling the argument for dismissal a "jurisdictional gambit." "The Government asks this Court to accept a shocking proposition: that federal officers may snatch residents of this country and deposit them in foreign prisons in admitted violation of federal law, while no court in the United States has jurisdiction to do anything about it," the attorneys said in the filing. "This Court, the Fourth Circuit, and the Supreme Court each rejected that jurisdictional gambit," the attorneys said. "All three courts unanimously affirmed a preliminary injunction that the Government must facilitate the return of Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia from El Salvador to the United States." In their 26-page filing, Abrego Garcia's attorneys also said there is no indication to date that the government has tried to take all available steps in good faith to facilitate Abrego Garcia's return. "History shows that when the Government makes good faith efforts to facilitate someone's return, it succeeds," they said. "Defendants' refusal to seek Abrego Garcia's return in good faith, while simultaneously claiming his return is out of their hands, does not negate redressability." The attorneys asked the court to shorten the government's time to file a reply brief from 14 days to seven days, saying that "further briefing on recycled arguments should not prolong a case that has already dragged on far too long for Abrego Garcia and his family."

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store