
How the grandeur of Scotland's capital began with a rock
In this penultimate column of the city series, I will once again show how, like all our cities, Edinburgh developed from a small settlement to grandeur through the trinity of a fortification, religious institutions and royal patronage.
Regular readers will know that as a history writer, I very much depend on the work of national and local historians. There have been too many to mention for Edinburgh, but its history has the same problem that I have found in my researches on most of Scotland, namely that ancient records were stolen and destroyed by English invaders.
Although it actually only became the capital after numerous other places, such as Stirling and Dunfermline, had their time as the seat of government, Edinburgh has been at the centre of Scotland's history for many centuries.
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It owes that prominence largely to luck. Some 340 million years ago in the midst of the Carboniferous period, Edinburgh was home to massive seismic activity. Arthur's Seat was a volcano that formed the landscape and also left a volcanic plug – Castle Rock. Enlightenment scientist James Hutton (1726-1797), known as the 'father of geology', first proved that Salisbury Crags and the surrounding area were volcanic in origin.
Castle Rock mostly stands some 260ft (80m) above the city centre, with its summit of about 430ft (130m) high. Erosion, especially during the last Ice Age, left the cliffs to the north, south and west of the rock standing sheer while the 'crag and tail' from what is now the esplanade runs eastward down the Royal Mile. It is an unusual formation which has few similar examples elsewhere.
According to archaeological finds, the first human inhabitants came to the Edinburgh area around 8500 BCE and like elsewhere in Scotland they were probably hunter-gatherers who immigrated over many decades from the continent via what is now England. Archaeological excavations have proven that Castle Rock was used as a fortification as far back as 900 BCE. It has been in human use ever since, which makes it the longest continuously inhabited place in Britain.
It cannot be said with certainty but we can speculate that the Edinburgh area was first settled permanently during the Iron Age as a centre for a tribe who became known as the Votadini. Their capital was at the Traprain Law hill fort in East Lothian and their domination of the south-east of Scotland was recorded by the Roman writer Ptolemy who was writing in Greek and therefore knew them as the Otadini.
This tribe, which spoke an ancient Brythonic-Celtic tongue, was very much in control of the whole Edinburgh area when the Romans arrived in the first and second centuries CE. They built a fort at Cramond at the confluence of the River Almond and the Firth of Forth to the north-west of the city.
This fort was linked to the Roman settlements as far south as the River Tyne by a road known as Dere Street, which was constructed in 79-81 CE on the orders of Gnaius Julius Agricola, the governor of the Roman province of Britannia.
Amazingly it was less than 30 years ago that proof emerged of the importance of Cramond to the Romans. In 1996, ferryman Robert Graham spotted a large sculpture lying in the mud and the following year archaeologists from the City of Edinburgh Council and the National Museums of Scotland excavated what became known as the Cramond Lioness.
The well-preserved sculpture was made of white sandstone that had been imported to Cramond.
The best theory is that it was a grave marker for a Roman officer, although how it became lodged in the mud beside the Cramond Ferry steps is not known.
ACCORDING to Historic Environment Scotland's website: 'The lioness, carved from a single block of sandstone, is 1.5m long, and depicts a crouching lioness with her paws on a naked man's shoulders and his head in her mouth.
'On the plinth, two snakes emerge from below the lioness's belly. Pieces with a similar subject matter, of carnivores devouring prey, are common throughout the Roman Empire, and are interpreted as symbolising the destructive power of death.'
As shown by a plethora of archaeological finds, the Votadini seem to have co-existed with the Romans for 300 years and more, but when the Roman Empire abandoned Britain around 410 CE, the Votadini gradually moved their headquarters from Traprain Law to the Castle Rock from where the Gododdin people, descendants of the Votadini, ruled over the eastern part of what is now the Lothians.
Where did the name of the city come from? Edwin was a seventh-century king of the lost ancient kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira which joined together to form Northumbria that stretched from the Firth of Forth as far south as York.
As I have written before, Edwin was recognised by the Venerable Bede and other chroniclers as the most powerful king on the island of Great Britain.
Some historians say he came north to the Forth and established a fortress town, a burgh, which was named after him. Its Gaelic name, Dùn Èideann, 'the fort of Edwin', confirms that etymology.
Recent scholars say the whole area was named Din Eidyn in the Brythonic tongue and predated Edwin but the main evidence for that derivation comes from the epic poem Y Goddodin and it most certainly is not factual. The earliest written reference to a fort on the rock is seen in that poem, which was written much later but places it as a residence in the late sixth century of Mynyddog the Magnificent, the Goddodin warrior who died fighting the Angles at the Battle of Catraeth, usually identified as Catterick, although we do not know the exact location or date of the battle.
For hundreds of years, the history of Edinburgh was the history of its castle on the rock but as with the rest of Scotland we have no written records of what happened in Edinburgh in the Dark Ages.
We know the settlement expanded slowly but surely beside the fortification of Edwin's burgh and managed to avoid most of the upheavals that accompanied the establishment of the new kingdom of Alba after King Kenneth mac Alpin united the Scoti of Dalriada and the Picts of Fortriu in the 840s.
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A succession of kings of the Scoti and Picts had their capitals north of the Forth and as I always point out that the Kingdom of England did not originate until nearly a century later under Athelstan, termed in his own time as King of the English.
Athelstan invaded Scotland in 934 and may have campaigned in the Lothians, but he went south empty-handed and in the final years of the first millennium the Scots campaigned militarily to push the English out of the Lothians and Scottish Borders, a victory that was finally achieved in the Battle of Carham in 1018 when King Malcolm II of Alba and King Owen (the Bald) of Strathclyde united to defeat the Northumbrian forces.
The first castle on the rock was almost certainly a wooden motte-and-bailey construction, but it was not until royal patronage and religious institutions came to Edwin's Burgh that the conditions were met for expansion.
During the reign of Malcolm III, Canmore, a royal residence was established on Castle Rock though he retained Dunfermline as his capital. His queen, Saint Margaret, was living in the residence when she was told of the death of her husband and their son, Edward, killed while fighting the English at the Battle of Alnwick on November 13, 1093. Margaret died of grief just three days after the battle.
Their other son, Edgar, briefly ruled over Scotland and seems to have built some sort of castle on the Rock because he is recorded as dying there in 1107. His brother Alexander I succeeded him and may have developed the castle, though he preferred Stirling Castle as his court.
It was the sixth and youngest of what Nigel Tranter called the 'Margaretsons' who really endowed Edinburgh. A great revolutionary monarch who devised the feudal system and transformed the governance of Scotland, David I gained the throne in 1124 and immediately and significantly developed Edinburgh Castle as a royal residence.
The evidence for that assertion can be found inside the Castle to this day in the form of the austerely beautiful St Margaret's Chapel erected around 1130 by the king as a shrine to his saintly mother. It is the oldest and, in my opinion, the most beautiful building in Edinburgh.
He formally made Edinburgh one of his first royal burghs in 1124 – personally, I thought the city could have made more of the 900th anniversary last year. Whether or not he did so as the result of a legendary encounter with a charging stag, David founded Holyrood Abbey in 1128 and the king moved frequently between the Castle and the royal lodgings at Holyrood, thus creating the Royal Mile alongside which Edinburgh grew steadily.
That part of the modern Royal Mile we call Canongate was then a separate settlement and indeed became a burgh in its own right when King David issued his great charter of Holyrood Abbey in 1143, giving the Abbot secular control of the burgh.
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It must always be remembered that Leith, now very much part of Edinburgh, developed as a port even as Edinburgh was growing. According to The Story of Leith written by John Russell and published in 1922, there were actually two Leiths, North and South, and again it was King David who intervened in the port's history: 'Besides founding the Abbey of Holyrood, David I richly endowed it with lands and other gifts. In the Abbey's great charter of 1143 there is engrossed a long list of the many possessions bestowed upon it by its royal founder, and among these are the lands of North Leith and that part of South Leith which now extends from the present Coalhill to the Vaults.
'These lands, along with those of South Leith, then formed part of a wide area round the mouth of the river known as Inverleith, and are designated in the Abbey charter 'that part of lnverleith which is nearest the harbour.' These words would seem to show that even at this early date Leith had started on its career as a port.
The shortened form of the name, Leith, early became specially applied to the town, while the longer form, Inverleith, like the name Inveresk at Musselburgh, was restricted to the lands farther up the river.'
King David is known to have held Parliaments in the Castle in the latter years of his reign, and with his residence in the city, Edinburgh had its first spell as 'capital' of Scotland.
David's successor but one, King William I, the Lion or Lyon, officially lived in the Castle but spent a lot of time in Haddington – a mistress, perhaps? After his defeat at the 1174 Battle of Alnwick, King William was captured and imprisoned by Henry II of England who imposed the humiliating Treaty of Falaise on William that included transferring Edinburgh Castle to English control. Henry also nominated the Scottish king's wife, Ermengarde de Beaumont, and the Castle was her dowry.
Find out next week about Edinburgh's role in the Wars of Independence.

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'My gut tells me that, by 2030, our lives will have been transformed by technologies that haven't yet been invented. What will be left for humans if machines are performing at such high levels? Can we have meaningful lives without work?' Essentially, the coming of AGI will force us to ask 'what are humans really for'. In a world without work, religious people may find meaning in life through worship, but what of others? And if we managed to somehow create a world where few of us work yet the financial spoils of AI were relatively fairly shared, then wouldn't we have effectively built a new slave society, a modern Ancient Rome? If we did create a society built on AI 'slavery', then what might that do to us? Would we mistreat AIs? We're clearly on a path where robotics and AI collide, so would we abuse or mistreat AI automatons? Technology often veers into the darkest recesses of human sexuality and crime. So what might this do to us morally? 'The mind boggles,' Susskind adds. 'We can imagine within 10 years little robots that are our companions, therapists, research assistants, joint authors, our pals. How should we feel about that?' Humans show love to their pets. Would we love AIs? 'We haven't yet begun to think what human-machine relations will be.' Susskind dismisses claims that AI is all hype and no risk as 'disingenuous and probably dangerous. It's like an asteroid [hitting Earth]. Surely we need to plan for it. You and I may reconvene 10 years from now and say we were worrying unnecessarily but I don't think that's the conversation we'll be having'. Claims from academics that talking about the risks of AI is 'catastrophising' are simply 'technological myopia', he says. Such views look at AI from the perspective of its technological 'limitations today', not its 'future potential. It underestimates what's going to happen. Look at the scale of the investment, the trajectory of the breakthroughs'. Race FROM the 1950s onwards, computer breakthroughs came every five to 10 years, 'now it's every six to 12 months. Look at the market appetite in government and business'. The computing resources used to train AI are 'doubling every six months, that means in 10 years we'll see a one million fold increase'. Sir Keir Starmer wants to turn Britain into an AI state and 'just let it rip'. America, China and Russia are in an AI arms race. 'There are tens of thousands of start-ups worldwide.' We're now entering a period of 'accelerating returns', where AI 'will develop the next generation of AI', the technology getting better and better, faster and faster. 'Once these systems begin to self-develop, self-improve, self-propagate we're in a different universe. When I hear people say it's all overblown so pay AI no attention, I think it's irresponsible.' Even now there are some aspects of AI that we simply cannot fully explain. AI could today, Susskind says, listen to the conversation he and I are having and then write a limerick about it. 'There's no way to explain how it did that. The interesting analogy is that in some ways we humans can't explain our own thoughts. But the point is that we don't really have scientific models yet to explain these incredibly high-performing systems.' AI can 'give a better summary of a book than most humans. To say that's simply computational statistics – just ones and zeros – is like saying humans are just molecules. It's not a helpful explanation'. It's routinely said that AI cannot be empathetic. However, it could learn to come up with a simulation of empathy which completely convinces humans. That's an AI psychotherapist. AI may not be creative like a human novelist but it could come up with 'a new configuration of words which are meaningful and impactful' to humans. That's an AI artist. 'We can imagine robots running faster than Usain Bolt.' Susskind's daughter sent him some music recently. He listened to it, and liked it. Then she told him it was AI-generated. 'In the future, AI just might be wildly better than us.' He wonders if, in years to come, we'll seek out human creations or interactions the way we today might prefer to spend money on handmade furniture rather than mass-produced goods. 'We might feel the same about literature, art and music, but I'm not sure our grandchildren will.' The coming of AI will shake humanity's sense of self to the foundations. No longer would we be the dominant intelligence on Earth. 'It will have a fundamental psychological effect on us and our perception of our position in the scheme of things. The idea of sharing the planet with entities more capable than us is deeply challenging.' Susskind speculates that if we get on top of AI early enough we can confine it to a 'zombie' status, where it has 'no consciousness, will, or awareness' but is just 'phenomenally capable but non-sentient'. He adds: 'Our perception of ourselves would be less diminished if we're simply sharing the planet with high-performing zombies.' But if AI becomes self-aware and conscious 'we'd move down a division'. Even if AI just gives the impression of consciousness it would still leave 'this huge question mark hanging over us'. Scottish author, speaker, and independent adviser to international professional firms and national governments Richard Susskind OBE has a new book out Explosion THE possibility exists that 'if we invent machines as intelligent as us then that will be our last invention'. The machine will become the inventor. This could lead to 'an intelligence explosion, where you go from AGI to a super-intelligence that's unfathomably more capable than us. When would this recursive self-improvement stop? That deeply concerns me'. This super-intelligence hypothesis – 'the AI-evolution hypothesis' – raises profound cosmologically questions. AI which continually self-improves at an astonishing rate could find ways to invent space travel and then 'spread out across the cosmos, in due course replacing us'. We'd be but a footnote: the creature which invented the most powerful 'mind' in the universe. 'I find such ideas fascinating and terrifying,' Susskind adds. An alternative hypothesis is the singularity 'which says that organic biological humans and digital machines will converge, so the next generation will be digitally-enhanced humans'. The problem with that theory is this: 'If the machines are so much more capable than us, the contribution humans make to this merger will fade over time. That might eliminate us.' Susskind's 'preoccupation' is that we will advance to AGI and 'that will lead to the super-intelligence hypothesis'. Among technologists, debate now rages over whether we should embrace the idea of super-advanced AI colonising the universe as 'our legacy', or if 'our obligation should be to preserve humanity'. Susskind comes down on the side of preserving humanity. 'I just think of my family, my friends and the joy humans have, and I want this for more people. My hope is that AGI can improve the wellbeing, health and happiness of humanity rather than populate the cosmos.' He's bewildered why society managed to have deep, intelligent debates in recent years about matters like genetic engineering but has failed to have a 'public conversation' about AI. If we built a system designed to save the world 'with AI' then, Susskind believes, we could genuinely 'eliminate disease and ill health. That's deliverable'. Each child could have a personalised tutor. Pupils would 'have Aristotle in the afternoon, then art lessons with Michelangelo'. With climate change, AI could 'develop and perfect new sources of power, ways of disposing of carbon – systems far more promising than we mere humans can put together'. AI could 'increase economic productivity' to a point that allowed us to effectively eliminate poverty. But, again, 'that requires the redistribution of the wealth gained by these systems away from the current providers and across the rest of humanity'. Threat THEN, of course, there are the consequences of failing to save the world 'from AI'. There are many 'existential and catastrophic threats: the weaponisation of this technology; the unintentional by-products; that it begins to perform in ways that are deeply damaging and not foreseeable. A powerful autonomous system over which we have little control presents major threats to humanity. 'The socio-economic threat is the biggest: what this does to the labour force, our conception of work, the idea that we have these phenomenally unaccountable powerful organisations which own these systems. Then there's the risk these systems just get things wrong. 'All the classic challenges that we've had since the dawn of civilisation come into sharp focus: how do we organise ourselves politically, what is a just distribution of resources, what is a happy, meaningful life?' Susskind says: 'If we develop AGI – and this does remain an 'if' but not an unlikely 'if' – then in my view this would represent the most significant discontinuity in the history of humanity and society. A greater leap than fire, agriculture, print or industry, partly because AI will match or outperform our most prized and distinguishing feature – our intellect, our brains, our minds.' He added that 'this revolution could well signal the end of pure homo sapiens, whether through the realisation of transhumanism – if/when we become digitally enhanced, perhaps as the next stage in our evolution – or as some cosmologists believe, we become extinct, in the very long run replaced by the unfathomably capable systems that we have invented. 'That is why I think the question 'what if AGI' is the most pressing and momentous question of our time. The future of humanity could be at stake.' Mind-bending metaphysical questions are raised by the advances of AI. The technology can now create highly convincing virtual reality worlds. So AGI could eventually create worlds indistinguishable from reality. 'It genuinely leads to the Matrix question,' Susskind adds. If a future AI super-intelligence could create a convincing virtual world, then that means today 'we can't be sure we're not in a virtual world'. In other words, we might already be a computer simulation in a digital universe created by AI. With technology, it is usually 'people from the dark side' who become early adopters, at a time 'unconstrained by rules, regulations, ethics and qualms'. That's why governments should consider taking power away from corporations and developing state-controlled AI systems. 'That seems to me a very serious policy option,' he adds. It would be one way of ensuring a fairer distribution of AI profits. Until a few years ago, Susskind was 'irreducibly optimistic about technology'. Today, he's both 'optimistic and pessimistic. AI could be channelled for massive human benefit, but the real risks are so profound that to not be fearful is irrational. That's my call to arms. The first thing we must do is understand what's going on'. Susskind adds: 'I advise governments. I'm closely connected to governments. I speak to lots of ministers all around the world.' But all he hears from those in power is 'how can we use ChatGPT, rather than any thinking about how, in 10 years, we're going to be in the biggest social crisis we've ever faced'. 'That's why I'm on this mission.'


The Herald Scotland
3 days ago
- The Herald Scotland
This bird is found only in Scotland – and may 'have a Scottish accent'
The fascinating animal, which is known as the Scottish crossbill, was confirmed as a unique species back in 2006 because of what some scientists have dubbed its "Scottish accent". How to identify a Scottish crossbill and what makes them so unique? According to the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB), the Scottish crossbill can be "very difficult to distinguish from the other members of the crossbill," but has been described as a thick-set finch with a large head and bill. However, Forestry and Land Scotland notes that the main reason why this species is considered unique compared to other crossbills is its apparent "Scottish accent". While their "clear metallic jip jip jip calls" may sound nearly identical to that of other crossbill species, sonograms show that their call is "subtly different," like an accent. The Scottish Wildlife Trust adds that the bird is "intermediate in size" when compared to common and parrot crossbills, measuring roughly 16cm in length, with a wingspan of 29cm. Recommended Reading: How to catch a glimpse of the Scottish crossbill Those hoping to catch a glimpse of the endemic species are in luck as it is resident throughout the year and breeds in the early summer months, according to Wild Scotland. Found only in the Highlands, the best places to see these birds are in the mature Scots pine woods. Here, families can be seen feeding together at the tops of conifers from June onwards. Current estimates place the number of Scottish crossbills at around 20,000, with these birds laying between two and five eggs.